Spies in Triplicate

July 3rd, 2007

Korea Times
Andrei Lankov
7/1/2007

What is the “North Korean KGB?’’ This common question is actually rather meaningless _ not because North Korea does not have an analogue to the Soviet agency (it does), but because the structure of the North Korean “intelligence community’’ is remarkably complicated. In North Korea there are three major independent intelligence services _ and an array of minor sub-services.

Each service has its own field of responsibility and expertise, but in some areas they are compete fiercely. Presumably, such competition makes the North Korean leaders a bit less restive in their sleep: in a dictatorship, an excessive concentration of intelligence in one agency’s hands is fraught with danger.

Since we have mentioned the KGB, let’s start from North Korea’s closest analogue, the Ministry for Protection of State Security or MPSS. Back in the 1950s, the MPSS’s predecessor grew up absorbing a serious influence from the KGB. Like its Soviet prototype, the MPSS combines the functions of political police, counterintelligence, and political intelligence.

As a political police force, the MPSS runs a huge network of informers, manages the camps for political prisoners, and enforces manifold security regulations. As a counterintelligence agency, it does everything it can to prevent foreign spies from effecting infiltration into North Korea. And, finally, it is engaged in intelligence gathering overseas and, to some extent, in South Korea. A special role of this agency is emphasized by the fact that it is headed not by a regular minister but by Kim Jong Il himself. Yes, the “Dear Leader’’ is also the minister of his own security _ a wise arrangement, perhaps, taking into consideration the tendency of intelligence bosses to become too powerful.

However, the mighty MPSS is not very prominent when it comes to operations in South Korea. A North Korean peculiarity is the existence of the party’s own intelligence branch. The Korean Workers Party’s (KWP)own secret service is euphemistically called the Third Building _ after the number of the building in which the relevant departments are located. The Third Building bureaucracy consists of a few departments and bureaus, each with its peculiar tasks.

The KWP’s secret service has survived from the late 1940s when the party operated in both parts of the country. The Communist underground in the South, and the then powerful guerrilla movement, were managed by special departments of the KWP Central Committee. The South Korean Communist underground was wiped out in the early 1950s, but the related bureaucracy in the North survived and found justification for its existence (once created, bureaucracies are very difficult to kill). Its raison d’etre is the need to promote Juche/Communist ideas in the South, with the resurrection of the Communist movement as a supreme goal; a Communist-led unification is a more distant task. In the course of time, these goals were seen as more and more remote, but were never abandoned completely.

In fact, the Third Building is largely responsible for attempts to influence the South Korean political situation, and for gathering intelligence which makes such influence more efficient. The United Front Department, a part of the Third Building, is also responsible for clandestine operations in other countries where it strives to change the local attitudes in North Korea’s favor.

Since the Third Building should aim at starting local insurrections, many of its staff have undergone commando-style training. The only known political assassination in recent years was conducted by the officers of the Operational Department, which is a part of the Third Building. In 1997 they hunted down and shot dead Yi Han-yong, a relative of Kim Il-sung who had defected to the South and published some highly critical books about the North Korean ruling dynasty.

In addition to the MPSS and the Third Building, North Korea also has a military intelligence service whose operations largely target South Korea. Their major interest is the South Korean military and the USFK, as well as any intelligence which may be of use should a new war erupt on the Korean Peninsula.

Many people still remember the September 1996 incident when a North Korean submarine ran ashore on the eastern coast and was abandoned by the crew whose members became engaged in frequent clashes with the police and army. This was a routine operation of military intelligence that went wrong due to a navigational mistake. The commandos were supposed to survey the military installations on the coast, and then move back to the North, but it did not work as intended.

The efforts of North Korean intelligence services are concentrated on the South. But this does not mean that other countries are immune to their activity. The North Korean spies are especially active in Japan, and this was once again demonstrated by the dramatic events of 2001.

Share

Gaesong & Industrial Park

July 3rd, 2007

Korea Times
Tong Kim
7/1/2007

Recently I visited Gaeseong with a South Korean humanitarian group that provides anthracite for fuel to underprivileged people in both Koreas. The group carries out a voluntary campaign in the name of “sharing love and anthracite.’’ It so far has provided the poor with over ten million pieces of processed anthracite.

Our trip to Gaeseong was to deliver another 50,000 pieces of processed anthracite in five large trucks. From Seoul we drove only about 45 minutes to reach the southern border of the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). I had passed through the Panmunjeom Joint Security Area a couple of times traveling to Pyongyang before, but it was the first time for me to travel on the paved direct highway to the Gaeseong Industrial Complex.

Upon arrival at the Bongdukni railroad station _ about a few miles north of the complex _ we were welcomed by the vice chairman of the Gaeseong People’s Committee, who appreciated the provision of anthracite as well as our offer to help North Koreans unload the anthracite.

From Bongdukni we went to Gaeseong City, where we visited several famous historic sites of the old capital of the Goryeo Dynasty (918-1392), including the Seonjuk bridge, where the stain of bloodshed by a king’s royal servant remains, still detectable. Standing at the courtyard of Sungkyunkwan, which was the dynasty’s highest royal educational institute, were gigantic ginkgo trees more than a thousand years old.

The buildings were impressively well maintained. On display inside the buildings were neatly arranged historical artifacts, which help visitors see what life was like in Korea a millennium ago. With other cultural assets, like the royal tombs and an old Buddhist temple, I thought Gaeseong would present itself as an excellent tourist attraction.

Then we went to a “hotel district’’ where many traditional tiled Korean homes remain undamaged as if they had never withstood the Korean War. An able tourist guide told us that these buildings are now used as lodging for tourists. We were led into one of the homes, where we had a good traditional dinner served in Korean brassware.

From there we went to the complex, which I knew was controversial from a political perspective since its inception. Opponents ask why South Korea should help North Korea when it spends scare resources on the development of missiles and nuclear weapons. Proponents argue it is a constructive approach to the eventual resolution of security and political issues.

After I saw the vast area of the industrial park _ one million pyeong (approximately 25 square miles) _ I felt there would be no way to reverse the course of inter-Korean economic cooperation. Under a 50-year lease, Hyundai Asan has cleared the land by leveling off the hills and filling the rice paddies and fields, and it is still building the necessary infrastructure to support the industrial park.

At present 22 South Korean companies _ mostly small- and medium-sized firms _ are operating in the complex and five new plants are under construction. On this North Korean territory, about 12,000 North Korean employees are working with 680 South Koreans, who are largely managers. By 2012, the complex is expected to employ over 100,000 North Koreans.

These companies produce goods _ including shoes, clothes, watches, kitchenware, plastic containers and electric cords _ mostly for South Korean consumers. Under a neo-liberal policy pursued by the ROK government, the complex makes sense as the average monthly wage is only $57, which is only half of Chinese labor costs and less than 5 percent of South Korean counterparts’ salaries.

After an overview briefing at the Hyundai Asan Control Center, we went to the Shinwon Clothing Plant, where 880 North Korean women _ who looked between 20 to 40 years-of-age _ were working hard concentrating on their jobs along the 15 production lines on two floors. There were no dividing walls on each floor. The uniformed workers all looked healthy and productive.

The plant’s manager told me he has only nine people from the South to work with the North Koreans. His company began operating in February 2005 with 330 workers on two production lines. He said his company is satisfied with the productivity and the workmanship of its North Korean employees. His company provides many facilities for the workers, including a large dining hall where the workers receive free meals, recreation rooms, showers and even a Christian chapel.

Perhaps the future of the expanding industrial park depends very much on the exportability of its products to overseas markets including the United States. This brings up two points: resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue and the inclusion of the complex as an “outward processing zone’’ as discussed but still pending resolution in the agreed Free Trade Agreement with the United States.

Without exportability, which I doubt would be fully feasible before North Korean denuclearization, the industrial complex may not be able to attract big international companies who keep looking for lower labor costs to compete in the contemporary neo-liberal global market.

There are other problems with the inter-Korean industrial park, including the transparency of the payment system, labor practices and environmental concerns. But these are only peripheral issues compared to the issue of war and peace, which also affects the South Korean economy. As the nuclear issue seems to be moving forward, and as I believe it will be resolved at the end, I do see good prospects for success of the complex.

We went to Gaeseong, a city of 300,000 people, through some poverty-stricken rural villages. It was heartbreaking to see North Korean people who looked undernourished and poorly sheltered in their rundown homes with broken windows. I saw children looking skinny, underdeveloped and hungry _ walking home after school, with their arms on the shoulders of their buddies, just like I used to do when I was their age.

I visited North Korea many times but I never had an opportunity to observe the economic plight of the North Korean people in the rural areas. I could see only a little bit of the deprivation last month when I went to Inner Geumgang Mountain through a few under-populated villages beyond the DMZ.

I know the conservatives blame the North Korean regime for this. My problem with them is such blame or hard-line policy has not helped alleviate the hardship of the poor people whose poverty is not their fault. I support humanitarian aid to the North, despite some negative views.

I know North Korea is trying hard to improve its economy in order to better feed, clothe and house its people. I have seen some encouraging indicators of change in North Korea. Once it feels free of perceived threat from outside, I expect the North to give up its nuclear program and concentrate on transforming the economy, which will eventually lead to political and social transformation as well.

It is time to work harder to resolve the security issue, while providing minimum humanitarian aid to the people in the North. Providing anthracite is a good example of humanitarian assistance, which I believe should enlist broad support from the South Korean public. What’s your take?

Tong Kim is former senior interpreter at the U.S. State Department and now a research professor at Korea University and a visiting scholar at Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS).

Share

Officials from two Koreas made joint on-site visit to overseas companies

July 2nd, 2007

Yonhap
7/2/2007

In a sign of burgeoning economic ties, a group of South and North Korean officials jointly visited South Korean companies in China and Vietnam, the Unification Ministry said Monday.

The delegation consisting of seven South Koreans and as many North Koreans working at a joint management office of the Kaesong industrial complex visited the companies in Shanghai, Shenzen, Guangzhou, Hanoi and Ho Chi Mihn City for 10 days from June 19. They were given tours and received briefings on the companies’ operations, the ministry said.

“It was a good opportunity for North Korean economic officials to learn from rapidly developing socialist countries,” a senior ministry official said, asking to remain anonymous. “They must have shared the need to further promote inter-Korean economic ties.”

It marks the first time that South and North Korean officials made an overseas trip together to assess the development of South Korean companies, the official added.

In the North Korean border city of Kaesong, a capitalist enclave, South Korean businesses use low-cost skilled North Korean labor to produce goods. Monthly production in the complex exceeds US$10 million.

Currently, 23 South Korean companies employ about 15,000 North Korean workers at the site developed on a trial basis. These include construction workers and workers at a management office. The number of North Korean workers is expected to increase to more than 350,000 when the complex becomes fully operational in 2012.

Share

S. Korea to contribute US$20 million to WFP to help N. Korea

July 2nd, 2007

Yonhap
7/2/2007

South Korea said Monday it will provide US$20 million worth emergency food aid to North Korea through the U.N. World Food Program.

The latest South Korean Korean food aid to North Korea through the Rome-based U.N. agency is separate from 400,000 tons of rice it plans to ship to its communist neighbor in the coming months, the Unification Ministry said.

The list and amounts of the South Korean aid, fixed after consultations with the WFP, includes 12,000 tons of corn, 12,000 tons of bean, 5,000 tons of wheat, 2,000 tons of flour and 1,000 tons of powdered milk, the ministry said in a statement.

“We will make efforts to facilitate food aid to North Korea via WFP and improve efficiency through assessment,” it said.

It is the first time since 2004 that South Korea has decided to provide food aid to the North via the WFP. International tension over the North’s nuclear has discouraged South Korea and other countries to help the North.

South Korea resumed shipment of fertilizer and other emergency aid to the North in March. In late June, it sent 10,500 tons of rice to the North as part of its promise last year to help the North recover from flood damage.

South Korea suspended all types of food and fertilizer aid to North Korea after the North conducted missile tests in July and a nuclear bomb test in October. But in high-level talks in March, the two sides agreed to put all inter-Korean projects back on track.

Inter-Korean relations have gotten a new boost from North Korean moves to honor its side of a Feb.13 six-party agreement to denuclearize itself. Last week, it invited back U.N. nuclear inspectors to discuss measures to monitor its planned shutdown of its weapons-related nuclear facilities.

A weak harvest in 2006, disastrous flooding and a 75 percent fall in donor assistance have combined to deal a severe blow to the North’s chronic food shortages, WFP officials said.

According to outside analysts, North Korea’s food supplies may fall one third of its needs this year if South Korea and other countries withhold aid.

Data from the WFP and South Korea’s Unification Ministry show that the North will need between 5.24 million tons and 6.47 million tons of food this year. Depending on the weather, the availability of fertilizer and other factors, the country may only be able to produce 4.3 million tons of food by itself in 2007, the report said.

Share

Pyongyang’s 1st Recreational Centre to Eat, Drink & be Merry

July 2nd, 2007

Daily NK
Han Young Jin
7/2/2007

(visit the Daily NK to see pictures)

On the banks opposite the Chongryukwan (a restaurant) in Pyongyang, a newly leisure centre “Sol Pong Centre” was opened on June 19th.

A Chinese webpage to motivate North Korea-China trade advertizes Sol Pong Centre as, “The latest modernized restaurants, leisure and recreational centre has opened in Pyongyang.”

According to the webpage, Sol Pong Centre offers a variety of services including restaurants, recreational activities, shopping, lounge area, communal bathing, swimming, gym, barber and hairdressers.

Even the entrance to the 5 storey building including a basement, is a revolving door, a rarity in North Korea. There is a Korean barbeque restaurant and shops on the 1st floor, and other modern services on the 2nd floor including a barber, massage therapist, wedding hall and piano concert hall.

This is the first time since the 80’s where a major service centre has opened in North Korea, The last centre “Changkwangwon” facilitated shops, restaurants and a wedding hall.

The webpage features, “This centre was designed to match modern lifestyle and western fashion, and will completely satisfy your recreational lifestyle. It will provide you will a space to enjoy Pyongyang’s modernized foods and leisure.”

North Korea media has not officially advertised the centre as yet. It is being introduced on Chinese investment websites and many speculate that this centre will be more for foreigners and Pyongyang’s top elite class.

Share

Kim Is Squeezed as North Koreans in Japan Switch Citizenship

June 28th, 2007

Bloomberg
Hideko Takayama
6/28/2007

Kim Jong Il no longer supports the government of North Korea.

Kim is a 66-year-old businessman who owns a shoe factory in Kobe, Japan. In 1997, he resolved to switch his citizenship to South Korea from North Korea after deciding that “I could no longer support a government that allowed children to starve to death.”

Since then, thousands of North Korean residents in Japan have made the same decision. And that is bad news for the other Kim Jong Il — the one, no relation to the businessman, who has ruled North Korea since 1994.

For the last four decades, Japan’s North Korean residents have sent billions of yen in money and goods back home to their relatives and the Pyongyang regime. As more and more of them switch their allegiance to South Korea, they are choking off the flow of resources to an isolated and impoverished country already coping with trade sanctions.

While there is no way of knowing exactly how much they have sent, Katsumi Sato, director of the Modern Korea Institute in Tokyo, estimated that in the early 1990s, the annual total was some 60 billion yen ($600 million) in money and supplies.

“The cash and goods sent from Japan in the late 1980s were bigger than their national budget,” Sato said. “It was North Korea’s lifeline.”

Forced Labor

Japan was home to more than 600,000 Koreans in the 1970s, according to Japanese government figures. Roughly 330,000 were loyal to the South and 280,000 supported the North. They were the descendants of forced laborers Japan brought back from the peninsula during the era of colonial rule from 1910 to 1945, or Koreans who came to Japan looking for work.

South Korean residents now number about 400,000, according to the Korean Residents Union, a pro-South group. North Koreans are estimated at less than 50,000. The Chosensoren, an organization founded in 1955 to represent the interests of North Koreans who live in Japan, doesn’t disclose how many members it has.

One wave of North Koreans switched allegiance in the mid- 1990s after visiting their relatives and witnessing their suffering as a result of the famines that killed as many as 3 million people. Hundreds more switched when North Korea’s Workers Party secretary Hwang Jang Yop defected to South Korea in February 1997 and openly criticized Kim’s regime.

Demographic Forces

The shift reflects demographic as well as political forces. Older North Koreans are dying; some younger ones are becoming naturalized Japanese citizens. Other younger residents have fewer direct ties with their North Korean relatives and find other ways to spend their money.

One 27-year-old computer programmer dreamed of a honeymoon in Italy, then he hit a snag: He needed a fistful of time- consuming approvals and permits to travel. So he became a South Korean and heads to Italy this summer. He asked that his name not be used because he still has some loyalty to North Korea and feels uncomfortable about the switch.

Japan’s decade of recessions and slow growth has also taken a toll on the flow of cash and supplies sent to the homeland. Much of the money has come from North Korean residents running pachinko gambling halls, an industry with annual sales of 28 trillion yen ($231 billion), according to the Japan Productivity Center for Socio-Economic Development. But even these popular parlors have felt a financial pinch.

Seeking Protection

In April, a pachinko chain owned by a former North Korean resident and known as Daiei — no relation to Kobe-based retailer Daiei Inc. — filed with the Tokyo District Court for protection from creditors under the Civil Rehabilitation Law.

“With the slump in Japan’s economy, many North Koreans here lost their businesses,” Kazuhiro Kobayashi, who wrote “Kim Jong Il’s Big Laugh” and other works on North Korea, said in an interview. “I believe the amount of funds flowing to the North from Japan is less than a twentieth of what it was.”

One sign of North Korea’s woes: Last week, the Tokyo District Court ordered the Chosensoren to pay 62.7 billion yen to cover unpaid debt or face the seizure of its headquarters in lieu of payment.

In the past, the Chosensoren might have collected money from North Korean residents in such a situation. That’s now much more difficult, not only because of the North Korean business failures, but also because many residents criticize the organization for serving as a watchdog or even a branch office of the government in Pyongyang.

Medical Supplies

North Korea has also found it increasingly difficult to transport cash, medical supplies, clothing and other goods from its residents in Japan.

In the past, most of this cargo would travel on the North Korean vessel Mangyonbong, which docked on Japan’s northwestern coast. The ship also carried 90 percent of the parts for North Korean missiles, according to testimony in 2003 before a U.S. Senate subcommittee by a North Korean engineer who defected.

After North Korea test-fired several missiles over the Sea of Japan in July 2006, Japan banned the Mangyonbong from its ports. It banned all other North Korean ships after the underground nuclear test last October, as part of its economic sanctions.

The flow of North Koreans changing citizenship shows no sign of abating. In Tokyo alone, residents have been switching at a rate of roughly 100 a month since 2006, according to statistics from the South Korean consulate in Tokyo. In February 2007, the latest month available, 120 switched.

For Bae Soo Hong, the 46-year-old president of a construction company near Osaka, it was Kim Jong Il — the ruler, not the businessman — who made him decide to change.

When Kim acknowledged during a 2002 meeting with Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi that North Korea had abducted Japanese citizens, “I knew it was time,” Bae said. He became a South Korean citizen this month.

Share

N. Korea warns Japan on pro-Pyongyang group crackdown

June 27th, 2007

Yonhap
Sohn Suk-joo
6/27/2007

North Korea warned Wednesday that Japan would “pay a dear price” if it continues to crack down on a pro-Pyongyang organization based there.

“If Japanese reactionaries keep clamping down on Chongryon in violation of our republic’s dignity and sovereignty, our anger at Japan will explode and they will have to pay a dear price for that,” said the Rodong Sinmun, the organ of the North’s ruling Workers’ Party. Chongryon is the shorter Korean name for the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan.

The angry statement comes a week after a Japanese court sanctioned the seizure of the premises of Chongryon’s headquarters due to its failure to repay debts. Since the group was founded in 1955, it has acted as the representative organization of North Korea in Japan. The two nations have no diplomatic relations.

Later in the day, four chapter leaders of Chongryon issued a joint statement accusing the Japanese government of having made an “unprecedented political terrorist act” against the group, said the Choson Sinbo, a Korean-language newspaper published by Chongryon in Japan.

The pro-North Korean group teeters on the brink of bankruptcy, as Japan’s Resolution and Collection Corp. (RCC) is to start procedures to confiscate the organization’s building and compound. RCC claims that the debt was part of nonperforming loans extended by 16 now-defunct credit unions associated with the group.

The RCC, which took over the nonperforming loans from the credit unions, claimed that Chongryon must pay 62.7 billion yen (US$508 million) since the money was purportedly handed over to Chongryon in an arrangement with the credit associations.

North Korean authorities protested the decision since the premises were the most likely candidate for North Korea’s embassy in Japan when the two sides agree to normalize diplomatic ties. The talks have bogged down because of their dispute over the past and abduction issues.

North Korea and Japan have never established diplomatic relations since the North was founded in 1948. The major hurdle to their normalization negotiations was how much and in what terms Japan should pay for its colonization of Korea from 1910 to 1945.

The court ruling comes as the embattled Chongryon has yet to ride out the shock after North Korean leader Kim Jong-il confessed in late 2002 that the communist country abducted 13 Japanese people to train spies in Japanese culture and language in the 1970s and 1980s.

Kim’s admission triggered a chain reaction of defections from the group. Now it claims about 80,000 members, although critics say about 30,000 are actively engaged in the group. The membership pales in comparison with 420,000 in the 1970s.

In an effort to prevent the premises from being seized, Chongryon tried in vain to sell the head office for 3.5 billion yen ($28.4 million) to an investment advisory company headed by Shigetake Ogata, a former chief of the Public Security Intelligence Agency.

But the court said the deal should be declared null and void because the ownership changed hands without an actual financial transaction.

“Chongryon chapter leaders and the Korean people are angry that Japan stigmatized Chongryon as a criminal organization by taking issue with the lawful business deal,” said the Choson Sinbo, which usually reflects the views of North Korea.

Share

Software Center to Be Created in NK

June 27th, 2007

Korea Times
Kim Tae-gyu
6/27/2007

A private association composed of South Korea’s major software developers plans to establish software centers in Pyongyang and Gaeseong late this year.

The Korea Software Financial Cooperative (KSFC) said Wednesday that it aims to sign a contract on the centers with its northern counterpart, Samcholli General Corp., this summer.

Such high-profile software companies as Samsung SDI, LG CNS, SK C&C and PosData are members of the Seoul-based association together with about 1,000 other outfits.

“We visited Pyongyang last week and agreed in principle to set up software centers in the capital city and Gaeseong Industrial Park,” KSFC official Kim Seok-hyun said.

“We are now ironing out details. The best scenario is that we ink an agreement in July or August to open the centers late this year,” said Kim who heads the North Korean project.

The envisioned centers will hire North Korean technicians and will come up with various computer programs demanded by 1,000-plus members of the KSFC.

“High-tech employees at the centers will develop software that will be used in the South or shipped out of the country,” Kim said. “The facilities are not symbolic ones aimed at improving the South-North relationship.”

Kim added the contract will be a win-win for the two Koreas that have been divided over the past half-century.

“We will be able to create software at much lower prices thanks to the cheap but experienced work force of the North rather than finding a low-wage platform in other countries,” Kim said.

“In comparison, the North will earn dollars through the partnership as well as give its engineers an opportunity to learn advanced technology,” he said.

In the long run, Kim said the software centers will roll out products, which were ordered by foreign companies to South Korean firms.

This is not the first time that a South Korean company attempted to take advantage of software-producing skills and know-how of the Northern engineers.

KT, the South’s top fixed-line telecom operator, started developing sophisticated software via an outsourcing contract with Samcholli General Corp. in 2005.

Share

Elections for Supreme People’s Assembly Representatives Will Be Carried out in August

June 26th, 2007

Daily NK
Kwon Jeong Hyun
6/26/2007

A source from North Korea reported on the 23rd that the election of the 12nd representatives of the Supreme People’s Assembly will be carried out at the beginning of August.

The North Korean Supreme People’s Assembly officially announced on the 19th that it plans to execute the elections of provincial representatives of the city, village, and district People’s Assemblies on July 29th. In North Korea, elections for city, village, and district People’s Assembly representatives are carried out every four years and in August 2003, 26,650 provincial representatives were selected.

On one hand, the election for the Supreme People’s Assembly representatives, according to North Korean constitutional law, has been carried out every five years. Accordingly, the normal timetable should be August 2008 for the upcoming election. However, due to the Kim Il Sung’s death in ’94, the ’98 10th representative elections occurred in eight years and three months.

The current 11th representative elections were held at the same time as provincial representative elections in August 2003.

The source said, “The government, starting beginning of June, gathered civilians’ residential cards and entered into composing a roster for the Supreme People’s Assembly’s representative elections. The People’s Safety Agency is currently in the middle of a secret investigation into the deceased, missing people, and those who have not reported because they have moved.”

The making of the election roster is also carried out for provincial representative elections.

Detailed evidence for whether the Supreme People’s Assembly elections and the provincial representative elections will be carried out at the same time has not been discovered yet. The North Korean government, through the Chosun (North Korea) Central News Agency, formally announced, “The city, village, and district representative elections will be carried out on July 29th, but a reference has not been made regarding the Supreme People’s Assembly elections yet.”

However, it is difficult to completely exclude the possibility of the simultaneous execution of elections as long as one can expect change in North Korea’s foreign relations and the economic sacrifice problem.

If North Korea simultaneously carries out the provincial representative elections and the Supreme People’s Assembly representative elections at the same time, the possibility is high that it will terminate the process of searching for missing citizens’ whereabouts which has continued these last 10 years as well as the defector issue and will spur building the solidarity of the domestic system.

Kim Sung Hoon (pseudonym, Chongjin, North Hamkyung), who defected in December 2006, explained, “In North Korea, failure to participate in elections is considered as a ‘political reactionary activity’ and if one does not participate in elections without ‘report his or her death,’ the official documents of history are submitted to the National Security Agency and that person becomes, in essence, a ‘public criminal.'”

Share

N. Korean defector artists unite to raise profile in South

June 26th, 2007

Yonhap
Kim Hyun
6/26/2007

Trying to reach out the highly commercialized South Korean art world, a group of North Korean artists who defected to South Korea launched an organization Tuesday aimed at setting the stage for the communist state’s little-known style of artistry.

“However good they were in the North, they can’t show it alone in the South. They are alienated,” said Kim Yong-nam, the president of the association who was a composer in the North before he defected in 2002.

“They have no ground to stand on, so we decided to find it step-by-step,” he said.

The General Association of North Korean Defector Artists represents about 100 musicians, singers, choreographers and other artists from the North who have had few chances to share their artistic skills since they left home.

Many members were well-known in the North. Kim Young-sun, 71, one of the few surviving choreographers who trained under legendary dancer Choe Sung-hi, hoped she could transfer what she learned from her mentor to young dancers in the South. Choe, who created the first modern Korean-style choreography after studying abroad and is still revered in the South, died in a North Korean political prison camp in 1969.

“North Korean art should never be considered low, because it’s where master Choe took root,” Kim said, before presenting her artistic skills on stage at the launching ceremony at the Press Center in central Seoul.

“People in the South have such good bodies and good physical frames to dance. But they have never seen her. I hope Choe’s talent can be transferred to them and our young members (of the defectors’ association) so that they can know her not just in theory, but know her enough to take it to the world stage,” she said.

Reflecting the sense of alienation that many defectors here have, only a few South Koreans attended the launching ceremony, and legislative and government officials who were invited or sponsored the event did not appear. The participants hoped the launch could help them reach out to the unfamiliar South, even though future projects still need to be worked out.

“Today’s launch seems small now, but it will be recorded in history,” Hong Sun-gyong, a senior defector, said.

“Art in North Korea is used to maintain the dictatorial regime. In contrast, South Korean art, while it is called fine art, has been ailing with indescribable corruption and failed to contribute to the healthy development of South Korean society. We hope our organization will do something to break the dictatorship and develop healthy commercialism here,” he said.

Share