Archive for the ‘International Organizaitons’ Category

Rimjingang to be published in English

Thursday, October 28th, 2010

According to the Mainichi Daily News:

A magazine composed almost entirely of materials smuggled out of North Korea by reporters living inside the country has just launched its first English edition in an effort to reach a wider audience.

The quarterly Rimjingang has been available in Korean and Japanese since 2008. The English edition will be published about twice a year from now on, chief editor Jiro Ishimaru said at a recent meeting in New York University, adding that digital editions in various formats will be available from 2011, including one from Apple Inc.’s iBook store.

Published by Asiapress International, a Japan-based journalists’ organization, the magazine is named after a river in the Korean Peninsula flowing north to south across the demilitarized zone. It operates with eight North Koreans who report clandestinely while living in such capacities as driver, factory worker and mother.

All of the reporters left North Korea because of economic hardships but returned to the country after being recruited to work for the magazine, which provides them with journalistic training and recording equipment.

In a country that tightly regulates information, taking images of street-level North Koreans for outside distribution would most likely be construed as treason. For safety, the identities of the North Korean reporters are completely shrouded in secrecy — they do not know each other or what their colleagues are doing, Ishimaru said.

The reporters periodically cross the China-North Korea border to deliver what they have recorded. The materials include digital images of people who foreigners would rarely have access to — a woman making merchandise at home to sell at a market, homeless children looking for food in a dump, clothing regulation enforcers on the lookout for youngsters wearing unacceptable fashions such as tight-fitting pants, and young soldiers scavenging for food from a farm.

“The reporters are taking risks because they have a strong will to let the outside world know the reality in North Korea and inspire a desire to improve the situation there,” Ishimaru said.

Some of the recent materials cover the paralyzing effect of the November 2009 currency redenomination in which North Korea slashed the value of the won, setting the exchange rate between the old and new bills at 100 to 1 and imposing restrictions on the quantity of old bills that could be swapped for new ones. The move was widely seen as the state’s attempt to reinforce control of the economy.

The magazine shows one of those affected, a woman identified as “Ms. Kang,” who is in her 50s and makes a living selling general goods such as plates and bowls procured in China.

Shortly before the devaluation, “Ms. Kang” reportedly took out a loan of 10 million won, worth about $3,000 at the time, from an acquaintance. Now she struggles with a huge debt as no currency trader will exchange her old won into Chinese yuan, leaving her unable to buy goods in China. She is also unable to convert them into the new won beyond the 100,000-won limit.

“Because the Americans don’t know very much about North Korea, we wanted to include some introductory pieces that explain people’s everyday lives there, including the impact the market is having,” said Bon Fleming, an American editor who translated the bulk of the material for the English edition.

Suzy Kim, assistant professor of Korean history at Rutgers University, said she was most impressed by the abundance of visual footage in the magazine. But she added, “Many of the stories in the magazine are anecdotal — there is as yet no way to collect enough information to present a statistical context for the stories.”

In order to make up for its heavy dependence on a handful of reporters, Kim suggested that the magazine can improve by incorporating a wider variety of views about North Korea from people with different backgrounds, experiences and opinions.

Ishimaru said North Korea is a nation changing fast and so are its people, contrary to the oft-reported images of brainwashed citizens. One of the forces behind the change is the increasing availability of digital media, a trend fueled by the influx of Chinese electronics, including VCD players, which are much more affordable than DVD players, he said.

Illegal copies of South Korean TV dramas crossed the border into North Korea en masse around 2003 via ethnic Korean communities in northeastern China, where watching South Korean satellite broadcasting programs became popular in the late 1990s, according to Ishimaru.

“What allowed the North Korean government to exert tight control over the daily lives of its people was the state’s food rationing system, which taught everyone to remain submissive as long as they were fed,” Ishimaru said.

Since the collapse of the public distribution system in the famine of the 1990s, however, people have been forced to fend for themselves and have become less afraid of the authorities, he said.

“You can no longer talk about North Korea without talking about the expansion of the market economy there,” Ishimaru said.

“The question is not about food — it’s whether North Korea will open up to the outside world or not.”

Previous posts about Rimjingang can be found here.

I have added Rimjingang to my list of North Korea media outlets all of which can be found here.

Read the full sotry here:
Undercover magazine on North Korea launches English edition
Mainichi Daily News
10/28/2010

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British bakeries a lifeline in North Korea

Tuesday, October 26th, 2010

Pictured Above: Love North Korean Children Bakery (Sonbong, DPRK)

Michael Rank writes in the Asia Times:

North Korea is a land of hunger and poverty but the children of Hahyeon primary school look reassuringly healthy, thanks to a small, British-based charity that runs three bakeries in this isolated and highly secretive country.

The children receive their midday meals courtesy of Love North Korean Children, [1] which bakes 2,500 mandu or steamed buns each day for pupils in 20 schools in and around the northeastern coastal city of Sonbong, near the Chinese border.

“If we did not provide these buns the children would go hungry,” said the charity’s founder and powerhouse, South Korean-born George Rhee.

Rhee works indefatigably to make sure that his bakeries have sufficient supplies of flour and other essential items, all of which have to be imported from China, something of a logistical and bureaucratic nightmare.

“All of our food gets to the children. None goes to the North Korean army or government,” said Rhee, and as he travels to North Korea from London up to 10 times a year, he is in a position to know.

Rhee, 52, told how he was inspired to found Love North Korean Children as a result of his own childhood experiences. He was one of eight children – he has six brothers and a sister – and when his father’s land reclamation business went bust, it left the family penniless. His parents were forced to put him and his twin brother in a children’s home.

The home was a cruel place and the children often went hungry, and it was this experience that made Rhee decide that he wanted to help the children of North Korea.

“At first I was thinking of opening an orphanage, but the government wouldn’t allow that. They say North Korean leader Kim Jong-il is our father, so there is no need for orphanages. So then I decided to open a bakery,” Rhee recalled.

Rhee first visited North Korea in 2002, and opened the charity’s first bakery the following year, in Rajin, close to Sonbong. I visited him there last month. He recently handed over responsibility for the Rajin bakery to a Korean-American group, but he also runs a bakery in Pyongyang, and this year opened a new bakery In Hyangsan, about 150 kilometers north of the capital.

He puts the cost of flour and equipment for the Sonbong and Pyongyang bakeries at about US$6,300 each per month, and for the Hyangsan bakery at almost double that, as it feeds twice as many children.

Rhee is a minister in the Assemblies of God Church and has its backing for his charity. Most of the costs are borne by three Dutch Christian foundations, the Barnabas Fund, Stichting Ora and Dorcas Aid International, but Rhee hopes to build more bakeries in North Korea and recently went on a fundraising trip to South Korea to talk to local companies and churches.

“There is a lot of interest in what we are doing. I am hopeful that we will be able to raise more money to open more bakeries,” he said.

Rhee said he hopes to open a fourth bakery in Haeju, the hometown of his late father, who escaped by boat to South Korea at the height of the Korean War in 1951.

“The North Korean government says we can. The only question is money,” he added.

Although the children at the Sonbong school looked healthy and well fed, they are among the lucky ones. Rhee said some of the children whom his bakeries feed are thin and pale, even with the extra food they receive from Love North Korean Children.

“I have even seen dead children in the streets. The situation for children in North Korea is terrible,” he stressed.

The United Nations World Food Program (WFP) bears this out. It says 33% of the population is undernourished and 23% of children under five are under-weight for their age.

“Public rations are reportedly far from sufficient and daily food consumption for most households is poor”, the WFP reports. Many people are forced to survive by cutting down on the number of meals per day, eating more wild foods – grass and bark in some cases – and less maize and rice, and reducing portion sizes for adults so that children can eat.

Although conditions have improved since the mid-1990s, when hundreds of thousands, possibly millions, of people died in a terrible famine, North Korea remains one of the world’s poorest countries.

Aid workers and diplomats say the government bears much of the blame, with an inflexible, highly centralized food-distribution system that results in a large proportion of the population going permanently hungry.

The WFP tactfully avoids blaming the government, referring to “a lack of arable land, poor soil management, insufficient water reservoirs to combat drought, shortages of fuel and fertilizer, outdated economic, transport and information infrastructure, and a general vulnerability to natural disasters”.

It quotes the Food and Agriculture Organization as saying North Korea needs to import 25% of its grain requirements, “but economic constraints mean the DPRK [Democratic People’s Republic of Korea] will struggle to meet its food import needs.”

All this means that small organizations like Rhee’s do a valuable job in feeding people who would otherwise go hungry, although the paranoid, xenophobic nature of the regime makes their work extremely challenging.

Until recently, a number of South Korean charities were active in North Korea, but the Seoul government ordered them out after the sinking of the naval ship the Cheonan in March in which 46 South Korean sailors died.

The South Korean government blamed North Korea for the sinking, and relations between the two countries, cool at best, went into the deep freeze.

Surprisingly perhaps, Rhee strongly supports the Seoul administration’s tough line, as he believes most of the South Korean charities were naive and were unable, or unwilling, to prevent the North Korean government from diverting much of the food they provided to the million-strong army.

“I support President Lee Myung-bak in this,” Rhee said. “These South Korean organizations were foolish” in not monitoring where food and other supplies were going.

Love North Korean Children was not affected by the ban, however, as it is a British-registered charity and Rhee, who has lived in the UK for 20 years, is a British citizen.

“The North Koreans cooperate well with us. It isn’t easy but we help to make sure that people get fed,” he said.

I had unexpected proof that the North Koreans appreciate Rhee’s efforts. During my visit to North Korea, officials constantly complained to me about photographs I was taking and at one point deleted some pictures on my camera.

I was concerned that they would delete more photographs when I left the country, as frequently happens.

I need not have worried, however. The customs officer who checked my camera at the North Korean-Chinese border was well disposed towards us, as his children were fed by Love North Korean Children. He took just a quick look at my photographs and waved us through.

You can see the author’s photos from Rason here.

Read the full story here:
British bakeries a lifeline in North Korea
Asia Times
Michael Rank
10/27/2010

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ROK Catholics resume DPRK food aid

Tuesday, October 26th, 2010

According ot the Union of Catholic Asian News:

The Catholic Church in South Korea has sent rice aid to flood-hit areas of North Korea, the first aid since a South Korean naval ship was sunk reportedly by a North Korean torpedo.

The Korean Bishops’ Committee for the Reconciliation of the Korean People committees delivered 50 tons of rice worth 95 million won(US$85,000) on Oct. 22.

Uijeongbu diocese, the Korean Conference of Major Superiors of Men’s Religious Institutes and Societies of Apostolic Life and the Korean Catholic Farmers’ Movement also assisted with the shipment.

The rice was sent to the (North) Korean Roman Catholics Association, which organized distribution of the rice in the Kaesong (Gaeseong) district.

“This is the first rice support to North Korea since the Cheonan naval ship incident last March,” said Father Baptist John Kimm Hun-il, executive secretary of the Subcommittee for Aid to North Korea under the bishops’ committee for the reconciliation.

“The food condition of North Koreans is worsening and their government is unable to support them. We need to offer more help,” he added.

Following the sinking of the naval vessel, the South Korean government banned all economic exchanges with North Korea, except for the minimum humanitarian aid.

Read the full story here:
Bishops send food aid to flood-hit North Korea
Union of Catholic Asian News
John Choi
10/26/2010

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3.6% of South-North cooperation fund spent in 2010

Monday, October 25th, 2010

Institute for Far Eastern Studies (IFES)
NK Brief No. 10-10-25-1
10/25/2010

There has been a sharp drop in inter-Korean exchanges resulting from the chill in relations on the peninsula. This has led to a mere 3.6 percent of the inter-Korean cooperation fund being tapped as of the end of September. In 2009, 8.6 percent of the allocated funds were spent, but this year, even at the end of the third quarter, not even half that much has been allocated.

The National Assembly’s Unification, Foreign Affairs and Trade Committee found in an audit of the Ministry of Unification’s public documents that almost 1.2 trillion Won had been allocated for inter-Korean cooperative projects, but a mere 41.7 billion Won had been spent. 1.4 billion Won was spent on socio-cultural exchanges, while 13.1 billion Won was spent on humanitarian aid, 10.7 billion Won supported economic cooperative projects, and 16.7 billion Won was advanced in support of those companies and groups planning additional projects. On the other hand, the Ministry of Unification is loaning 60 billion Won from the inter-Korean cooperation fund to South Korean companies invested in economic cooperative projects that are suffering losses due to the May 24 measures, which restrict exchanges due to the sinking of the Cheonan.

In 2008, the first year of Lee Myung-bak’s administration, only 18.1 percent of the inter-Korean cooperation fund was spent, and this percentage has fallen every year since. Now at an all-time low, it appears that the rate of spending will continue to fall in the future. With the May 24 measures, the Kaesong Industrial Complex was exempted from trade restrictions. In addition, other inter-Korean trade worth approximately 80 million USD (90 billion Won) has been permitted. This includes 639 different cases of imported goods manufactured from raw materials or parts sent to the North prior to the May 24 restrictions, amounting to 31.15 million USD, and 269 cases of pre-ordered exports amounting to just over 49 million USD.

On the other hand, losses due to the halt of tourism to Mount Keumgang and Kaesong have amounted to 628.5 billion Won over the last two years. According to a report submitted to the National Assembly by the Korea Tourism Association on the impact of halting these tourism projects, losses of 548.2 billion Won had been incurred by August, and that is expected to grow to 628.5 billion Won by the end of the year.

Mount Keumgang tours were halted in July 2008, while Kaesong tours were stopped in November of the same year. Since then, the Korea Tourism Association has lost 10.5 billion Won in profits, while private-sector companies including Hyundai-Asan and its partners have lost 465.2 billion Won. In addition, restaurants, rest stops, visitor centers and other businesses in the border town of Koseong, Kangwon Province have lost 72.5 billion won due to the lack of tourists travelling across the border to Mount Keumgang, pushing total losses by the government and private sector to over 500 billion Won.

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North Korea’s market restrictions revisited

Wednesday, October 20th, 2010

Reuters published a concise report of the DPRK’s recent restrictions on market activity which is compiled from work by Marcus Noland and Stephan Haggard.  Here is the Reuters report:

Reclusive North Korea has imposed a series of measures since 2008 to rein in market activity, foreign trade, and activity across the border.

A Peterson Institute for International Economics policy brief published this year outlines some of the rules put in place:

2008
January – Women under 40 banned from trading in markets, followed by efforts to redeploy them to workplaces.

April – Wide-ranging Antisocialist Conscience Investigation of Sinuiju, the country’s main land port with China, including the books of trading organizations. Restrictions placed on carrying merchandise on bicycles and carts in Sinuiju.

July – Party, police, and market management office coordinate efforts to limit large sales in the Pyongsung market, an emerging wholesale center for the country in Pyongan province.

October – Nationwide ban on sale of shoes in markets and new restrictions limiting trade in foodstuffs to individually cultivated fruits and vegetables.

November – Major directive announcing the conversion of markets back to the more restrictive farmers’ market format. Markets to be open only on the 1st, 11th, and 21st of each month, and to be limited to retail sales of individually cultivated food; other foodstuffs and manufactures to be sold through the ‘public distribution system’ and state-run stores. Major cities, including Pyongyang, Hamheung, Soochun, Kaesung, and Chungjin, set up model farmers markets.

2009
January – National Security Agency special investigative unit scrutinizes names, number of family members, and livelihoods of households in the National Border Area suspected of involvement in border crossing and trade. Public education campaigns and increased punishment for border crossing.

March – New controls over lodging and movement without passes in National Border Area [and] imposition of strict movement controls in connection with the Supreme Peoples Assembly elections; intensified controls following the elections.

May – Announcement of 150-day campaign accompanied by renewed implementation of market restrictions on women under 40 and restricted items, including products of joint ventures, industrial goods, and American and South Korean products. Punishment of emergent back-alley markets and ‘sell and run’ sales. Public education campaigns against market activities.

June – Closure of Pyongsung market in Pyongan province.

July – Increased control and surveillance over households in National Border Area with defectors.

November – North Korea announces a reform to replace all currency in circulation with new bills and coins.

The Peterson Institute report mentioned in this article can be found here (PDF).

I should also point out that many of these dictates were uniformly unenforceable and many have been rescinded (including the 10-day rule) since the currency reform was implemented.

Read the full story here:
Factbox: How North Korea has tightened controls
Reuters
10/20/2010

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‘Rimjingang’ in the Wall Street Journal

Tuesday, October 19th, 2010

According to the Wall Street Journal:

There are several news organizations supporting journalists in North Korea. One is Rimjin-gang magazine, a division of AsiaPress International, based in Osaka. The founder and editor of Rimjin-gang is a Japanese journalist by the name of Jiro Ishimaru. As the world’s journalists were reporting from Pyongyang last week, Mr. Ishimaru was in the U.S., presenting his reporters’ remarkable videos, photographs and articles to American audiences. A book containing English-language translations of some of the magazine’s best stories was published on Oct. 15.

Rimjin-gang is the Korean name for the Imjin River, which begins in North Korea and runs south across the demilitarized zone. It is a symbol of North Koreans sending information to the South, Mr. Ishimaru says. “I came to realize that outsiders attempting to shed light on North Korea hit a wall that is simply impossible to breach. No one can report on a nation better than its own people.”

Mr. Ishimaru runs a staff of 10 reporters. For security reasons, each reporter operates independently without knowledge of the identity of his colleagues or what they are doing. The reporters are men and women who want to do something with their lives and who want to help their country, Mr. Ishimaru says. They believe that “if you don’t do something, you are just a slave.”

Mr. Ishimaru recruits his reporters in the border regions of China, home to tens of thousands of North Korean refugees who have escaped across the Yalu or Tumen rivers. He and colleagues from South Korea give the budding journalists a crash course in the basics of journalism and teach them how to use essential technology. The journalists then go back to North Korea with enough money to travel around the country, pay bribes if they get into trouble, and eventually return to China.

It is next to impossible for ordinary North Koreans to get close to military installations, the gulag or Kim Jong Eun. So the reporters have decided to focus on day-to-day life in North Korea, especially starvation, the growing market economy and corruption. They have produced more than 100 hours of video on these subjects. Among the tapes I viewed were ones that showed bags of rice labeled “WFP”—for the United Nations World Food Program—being sold in a marketplace, and soldiers using a military truck as a bus service for paying customers.

The information doesn’t flow just one way. Mr. Ishimaru’s reporters also try to get information about the outside world into North Korea, usually in the form of CDs containing videos of South Korean soap operas, news shows or documentaries. Before DVD players came into use in China, VCD players—video CD players—had a short run of popularity. Chinese merchants now sell these discarded devices, along with CDs, across the border in North Korea. It’s against the law to possess a VCD player or to watch South Korean videos, but the law-enforcement system has broken down enough that more and more North Koreans are taking the risk, assuming that if they get caught they can bribe local officials to look the other way.

Here are previous posts featuring information from Rimjingang.

Read the full story here:
A Free Press Stirs in North Korea
Wall street Journal
Melanie Kirkpatrick
10/19/2010

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[ROK] Investors in DPRK take huge hits; interest in FDI plummets

Monday, October 18th, 2010

Institute for Far Eastern Studies (IFES)
NK Brief No. 10-10-18-1
10/18/2010

The majority of joint ventures investing in North Korea have suffered significant losses since the South Korean government began to enforce sanctions as a result of the sinking of the ROKS Cheonan. On average, companies have incurred losses of almost one billion won, and most companies are no longer interested in investing in the North.

According to the Korea Chamber of Commerce and Industry, a survey of 500 companies (200 inter-Korean economic cooperative schemes and 300 other companies involved in business with the North) showed that 93.9 percent of respondents said they had suffered losses due to trade restrictions put in place due to the Cheonan incident, while 66.5 percent responded that they faced “financial difficulty” due to the sanctions. The companies have suffered an average of 974 million won in losses.

Investment and operational losses due to the ‘all stop’ order from the government amounted to 51.9 percent of losses reported, while 26 percent of respondents pointed to a reduction in orders and 22.1 percent blamed an increase in transportation and other associated costs. One company importing anthracite from the North turned to China, Vietnam, Russia, and other vendors after inter-Korean trade was restricted, but due to each country’s efforts to secure its own natural resources, this year’s sales are expected to be more than 10 billion won less than that seen last year.

Another company, investing in textiles, was strategically producing hand-made works in a North Korean factory, but now production has come to a halt and it may not be able to deliver goods it has produced. A source from the factory stated, “Personnel and raw material expenses in China, Vietnam, and other countries mean that profit margins will be minimal, and there is no alternative.” The same source also stated, “Special funds were distributed from the government, but [companies] are concerned about how long they can hold out.”

As companies invested in North Korea suffer losses in the wake of the Cheonan incident, interest in North Korea investment opportunities is also waning. 82.7 percent of responding companies believe that “even if economic cooperation was normalized, there would be no new investments or continuation of existing projects,” and 76.9 percent of respondents believed that “because of the uncertainty of the North Korean system” non-economic issues would dampen investment enthusiasm. 13.7 percent stated that difficulties with transportation and other infrastructure issues would discourage investment, and 9.4 percent of respondents answered, “North Korean authorities’…interference and restrictions” would turn away foreign investors.

Among those businesses not involved in cooperative economic ventures, 41.5 percent pointed to “North Korea’s overall reform and opening,” while 22.2 percent chose “guaranteeing the security of investments and expanding domestic SOC” as being necessary to propel investment in North Korea. Another 19.7 percent answered, “security issues like North Korean denuclearization” were necessary for improvement in the investment environment.

Many also voiced concerns over the ongoing ban on inter-Korean exchanges. When asked about the impact on business if sanctions against the North were to continue, 5.18 percent of respondents stated, “opportunities for foreign investors will suffer,” while 25.6 percent responded that the North’s economic reliance on China would grow, and 22.6 percent feared that the national image would suffer due to an increase in the security risk.

63.6 percent of respondents call for strengthened protection for investors, including protection against losses as well as guarantees on operational freedoms. 20.1 percent called for easing restrictions on businesses in the Kaesong Industrial Complex, and 16.3 percent pointed to the need for more monetary support.

Even after the government’s announcement halting inter-Korean exchanges on May 24, , inter-Korean trade worth approximately 80 million USD (90 billion won) was recorded due to a number of goods with special exceptions. 639 different cases of imported goods manufactured from raw materials or parts sent to the North prior to the May 24 restrictions amounted to 31.15 million USD, while 269 cases of pre-ordered exports amounted to just over 49 million USD.

This survey was conducted from August 12 to September 1, calling or faxing 200 companies invested in inter-Korean cooperative schemes and 300 of the 1000 companies involved in sales.

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Special rations issued for 10/10 party anniversary

Monday, October 11th, 2010

Institute for Far Eastern Studies (IFES)
NK Brief No. 10-10-11-1
10/11/2010

On October 7, Pyongyang announced that special rations would be distributed to the people of North Korea in celebration of the 65th anniversary of the establishment of the Korean Workers’ Party (October 10). Daily NK reported that an informant in North Hamgyeong Province had said, “This morning the chairman of my people’s unit went door to door announcing that on the 8th and 9th there would be food distribution for the holiday, so we could expect to get the food allocated to us from the state-run store on these two days.” When residents asked why the rations were being dispersed, the local people’s unit chairman explained that the regime was doling out “liquor and cooking oil because a decree has been handed down from above telling us to deliver [holiday rations] commemorating the Party Delegates’ Conference and the founding day of the Party.” It was also explained that the event was “twice as delightful” since the Party anniversary and the re-election as Secretary General of Kim Jong Il fell at the same time, and that since Kim Jong Un was named as the successor, the regime was seeking to create a celebratory atmosphere.

Until the 1990s, authorities provided rations along with many forms of propaganda on the birthdays of Kim Jong Il and Kim Il Sung, on New Year’s Day, the anniversary of the founding of the Party, and other significant holidays. After the ‘arduous march’ of the mid 1990s, however, it became difficult for the state to provide for the people, and the rations slowly disappeared. Holiday rations became the responsibility of local committees, so that residents of some districts would receive corn while another might receive potatoes. Outside of Pyongyang, however, it became difficult to find anyone still receiving alcohol, meat or cooking oil, with these goods reserved only for certain government workers or those in special industries.

When rations are handed out, goods and food are distributed to local stores, at which they are packaged for distribution to each household. Rations are generally distributed one to two days prior to a holiday, although sometimes not actually arriving until the holiday. On a holiday, a line can be seen in front of every state store as families gather to receive their handout.

On February 16, North Korea celebrated both Kim Jong Il’s birthday and the lunar New Year with a four-day holiday, but even then most residents received no alcohol. Soldiers and government workers above a certain level might receive one bottle of liquor and a kilogram of meat. This year, the autumn harvest festival Chuseok was advertised as a four-day celebration of the ‘biggest national holiday’, but this was mere propaganda. With many regions suffering from devastating floods, local authorities were told to handle holiday arrangements on their own.

Daily NK reported that local authorities were told to be ready to clean out their desks if they were unable to provide holiday rations, so at least cooking oil and alcohol rations were expected, but residents were still unsure how much they might receive. In previous years, people each received 100g of oil, but now they would be happy to receive even half that much. A family of four could at least expect about one bottle of liquor and half a bottle (200g) of cooking oil.

Radio Free Asia reported that at least four orders had been passed down for state-run stores and restaurants to distribute holiday rations, and that on September 30, an order was issued to provide one bottle of alcohol, 500g of oil, one kilogram of pork, toothbrushes and toothpaste, soap, laundry detergent, underwear, socks, and a pair of shoes to each household, and for state-run restaurants to provide liquor and food at state-set prices (cheaper than prices in local markets) for ten days.

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Inter-Korean trade up 51.3% in first half of 2010

Wednesday, October 6th, 2010

Institute for Far East Studies (IFES)
NK Brief No. 10-10-4-1
10/4/2010

Trade between the two Koreas in the first half of 2010 totaled 980 million USD, 51.3 percent more than the 650 million dollars-worth of trade last year. North Korea’s trade with China was also up, by 16.4 percent, to 1.28 billion USD. Kim Jong Il has made two trips to China and the North has taken other steps to boost cross-border trade with the Chinese.

According to a recent report comparing inter-Korean trade to that between North Korea and China, North-South trade in 2007 equaled 91 percent of Pyongyang’s trade with Beijing, but as inter-Korean relations chilled, that number fell to 65 percent in 2008. This year, that number climbed back up to 77 percent, largely because the Kaesong Industrial Complex, which has avoided political entanglement, has grown 96 percent since last year. Textiles and home electronics top the list of goods in inter-Korean trade, while minerals are the top item traded across the DPRK-PRC border.

North Korea’s import of South Korean goods increased by 63 percent to 430 million USD, while the North’s Chinese imports rose a mere 25 percent, but still totaled 930 million USD. 36 percent of South Korean exports to the North are raw materials for North Korean textile production, while 120 million USD-worth of electronics make up the second-largest export industry. Making up the largest sector, 27 percent (250 million USD) of North Korea’s imports from China are made up of minerals and crude oil, while textiles make up 12 percent and base metal resources make up 8 percent. South Korean imports have also grown 43 percent, to 550 million USD, since last year. In comparison, Chinese imports from North Korea shrunk one percent to 340 million USD. Clothing and other ready-for-market textiles made up 44 percent of North Korean exports to the South, while electrical and electronic goods made up 17 percent. Coal, iron, and other key resources made up 51 percent of DPRK exports to China, while zinc and other base metals make up approximately 20 percent.

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Collective farm diplomacy

Monday, October 4th, 2010

For the same reasons that President Obama has a tendency to take visiting dignitaries to my favorite hamburger restaurant in Arlington, VA, the North Koreans have designated “friendship farms” for countries the North Koreans enjoy or expect to enjoy cozy relations.  Below I have identified a few for you to check out on Google Earth.

DPRK-Iran Friendship Ripsok Cooperative Farm

 

iran-friendship-farm.JPG

Coordinates: 39°28’34.69″N, 125°29’48.92″E
This farm has been mentioned in this capacity in KCNA four times: here, here, here, and here.
Date first mentioned: May 17, 2007

DPRK-Russia Friendship Kochang Cooperative Farm

 

russia-friendship-farm.JPG

Coordinates: 38°58’3.82″N, 125°36’4.67″E
It has been mentioned in KCNA at least 26 times.  See here.
Date first mentioned:  June 23, 1999

DPRK-China Friendship Thaekam Cooperative Farm

 

china-friendship-farm.JPG

Coordinates: 39°15’4.41″N, 125°41’53.06″E
This farm has been mentioned at least 29 times in KCNA.  See here.
Date first mentioned: June 1, 1997

I have also located friendship farms for: Laos, Poland, Cuba, Bulgaria, Vietnam, Malaysia,  Indonesia, Germany, Palestine, Cambodia, Mongolia, India, Syria, Nigeria, Libya, Egypt, New Zealand, Yugoslavia, and Pakistan.

The United States does not yet have a friendship farm in the DPRK, but maybe someday it will be Osan-ri in Sunan-kuyok, Pyongyang. This is where the Fuller Center plans to launch a housing project. Their planned location and site plans are posted below.

Jimmy Carter, who founded Habitat for Humanity, has recently endorsed this project. (UPDATE: more here and here)

Thanks again to Google Earth and GeoEye.

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