Archive for the ‘Military’ Category

ROK to join U.S.-led container security system

Wednesday, December 6th, 2006

Yonhap
12/6/2006

South Korea is set to announce its participation in a U.S.-led campaign to stop container-borne radioactive materials after refusing to help interdict North Korean ships suspected of carrying weapons of mass destruction.

A Foreign Ministry official confirmed Wednesday that Seoul decided to join the International Container Scanning Network, or ICSN.

“The government plans to formally announce the decision later this week,” the official said, asking not to be identified.

The ICSN calls for its members to install state-of-the-art radioactivity detectors at their major ports so customs officials can screen the contents of containers without opening them.

International efforts to curb the flow of nuclear materials have gained more urgency since North Korea conducted a nuclear test in October.

Seoul’s decision to join the ICSN was widely interpreted as designed to offset its limited participation in the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI).

South Korea said last month that it would stay away from any PSI-related activity in the vicinity of the Korean Peninsula, citing its unique geopolitical situation. South Korea remains technically at war with the communist North and the two sides are vulnerable to military clashes especially in the poorly-demarcated West Sea.

South Korea described its position in the PSI as “special status,” as it kept the door open for PSI activities in remote areas.

Government officials, however, said the PSI was not considered when it made the decision to join the ICSN, a project still being tested.

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U.S. bans sale of iPods to North Korea

Wednesday, November 29th, 2006

USA Today
11/29/2006
Ted Bridis

The Bush administration wants North Korea’s attention, so like a scolding parent it’s trying to make it tougher for that country’s eccentric leader to buy iPods, plasma televisions and Segway electric scooters.

The U.S. government’s first-ever effort to use trade sanctions to personally aggravate a foreign president expressly targets items believed to be favored by Kim Jong Il or presented by him as gifts to the roughly 600 loyalist families who run the communist government.

Kim, who engineered a secret nuclear weapons program, has other options for obtaining the high-end consumer electronics and other items he wants.

But the list of proposed luxury sanctions, obtained by The Associated Press, aims to make Kim’s swanky life harder: No more cognac, Rolex watches, cigarettes, artwork, expensive cars, Harley Davidson motorcycles or even personal watercraft, such as Jet Skis.

The new ban would extend even to music and sports equipment. The 5-foot-3 Kim is an enthusiastic basketball fan; then-Secretary of State Madeleine Albright presented him with a ball signed by Michael Jordan during a rare diplomatic trip in 2000.

Experts said the effort — being coordinated under the United Nations — would be the first ever to curtail a specific category of goods not associated with military buildups or weapons designs, especially one so tailored to annoy a foreign leader. U.S. officials acknowledge that enforcing the ban on black-market trading would be difficult.

The population in North Korea, one of the world’s most isolated economies, is impoverished and routinely suffers widescale food shortages. The new trade ban would forbid U.S. shipments there of Rolexes, French cognac, plasma TVs, yachts and more — all items favored by Kim but unattainable by most of the country.

“It’s a new concept; it’s kind of creative,” said William Reinsch, a former senior Commerce Department official who oversaw trade restrictions with North Korea during Bill Clinton’s presidency. Reinsch predicted governments will comply with the new sanctions, but agreed that efforts to block all underground shipments will be frustrated.

“The problem is there has always been and will always be this group of people who work at getting these goods illegally,” Reinsch said. Small electronics, such as iPods or laptops, are “untraceable and available all over the place,” he said. U.S. exports to North Korea are paltry, amounting to only $5.8 million last year.

The Distilled Spirits Council of the United States, the trade group for the liquor industry, said it supports the administration’s policies toward North Korea. The Washington-based Personal Watercraft Industry Association said it also supports the U.S. sanctions — although it bristled at the notion a Jet Ski was a luxury.

“The thousands of Americans and Canadians who build, ship and sell personal watercraft are patriots first,” said Maureen Healey, head of the trade group. She said it endorsed the ban “because of the narrow nature of this ban and the genuine dangers that responsible world governments are trying to stave off.”

Defectors to South Korea have described Kim giving expensive gifts of cars, liquor and Japanese-made appliances to his most faithful bureaucrats.

“If you take away one of the tools of his control, perhaps you weaken the cohesion of his leadership,” said Robert J. Einhorn, a former senior State Department official who visited North Korea with Albright and dined extravagantly there. “It can’t hurt, but whether it works, we don’t know.”

Responding to North Korea’s nuclear test Oct. 9, the U.N. Security Council voted to ban military supplies and weapons shipments — sanctions already imposed by the United States. It also banned sales of luxury goods but so far has left each country to define such items. Japan included beef, caviar and fatty tuna, along with expensive cars, motorcycles, cameras and more. Many European nations are still working on their lists.

U.S. intelligence officials who helped produce the Bush administration’s list said Kim prefers Mercedes, BMW and Cadillac cars; Japanese and Harley Davidson motorcycles; Hennessy XO cognac from France and Johnny Walker Scotch whisky; Sony cameras and Japanese air conditioners.

Kim is reportedly under his physician’s orders to avoid hard liquor and prefers French wines. He also is said to own an extensive movie library of more than 10,000 titles and prefers films about James Bond and Godzilla, along with Clint Eastwood’s 1993 drama, In the Line of Fire, and Whitney Houston’s 1992 love story, The Bodyguard.

Much of the U.S. information about Kim’s preferences comes from defectors, including Kenji Fujimoto, the Japanese chef who fled in 2001 and wrote a book about his time with the North Korean leader.

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Railways damaged by nuclear blast

Thursday, October 19th, 2006

From the Daily NK:
Kang Jae Hyok
10/19/2006

An inside source in North Korea told the Daily NK that operation of the railroads near Kilju area, where the U.S. and South Korean authorities suspected the nuclear test was conducted, was stopped due to fractures on the tunnels after the test.

And it is also informed that the cement sent by South Korea as part of the economic aid package was used to repair the cracked tunnels, indirectly contributing the nuclear test.

The source told the Daily NK in a telephone interview on Wednesday that “Railroad from Kilju to Baekam stopped carrying trains. And repair operation in the tunnels on the line started.” He said the train operation was interrupted because of fractures inside of tunnels, created after the nuclear test.

North Korean railroad tunnels are constructed strong enough to sustain shocks from trains moving through and earthquakes. Also tunnels are designed to provide shelters for trains in case of emergency.

According to the source, currently there are many tunnels in the Kilju area under repair and the cement aided by South Korea for reconstruction of flood damage is being used to repair the tunnels.

Kilju is located in the southernmost part of North Hamkyung Province. In the north, it borders with Ryangkang Province along the Mt. Mantap, which is indicated to be the site of nuclear test this month.

Also, Kilju is a transportation center at which railroads and highways cross; railroads include Pyong-Ra line from Pyongyang to Rajin, the northernmost port city in NK, and the Youth Baekdu line from Kilju to Hyesan. Near the Kilju station, there are many tunnels. In each railroad tunnel, KPA Railroad Guard is on sentry 24/7, and strangers are forbidden to enter into tunnels. The Railroad Guard is part of KPA organization and under authority of the National Security Agency, because Kim Jong-Il habitually rides train when inspecting the provinces.

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China not to revise defence treaty with North Korea

Thursday, September 14th, 2006

From NewKerala.com
9/14/2006

China today scotched media reports that the ruling Communist Party may revise the 1961 defence treaty with North Korea, which is engaged in a diplomatic stand-off with the United States on the nuclear issue.

“We don’t plan to amend the treaty,” Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang told reporters when asked to comment on media reports.

The ruling Communist Party of China, which will hold its annual meeting in October may discuss the possibility of revising the treaty with North Korea that commits Beijing to come to the aid of Pyongyang should it come under attack from foreign forces, a Hong Kong rights group had claimed yesterday.

The Information Centre for Human Rights and Democracy said in a statement that the revision to the mutual friendship and cooperation treaty will be discussed in a bid to prevent China from becoming involved in a possible war on the Korean Peninsula.

China is North Korea’s traditional ally and main aid provider to the reclusive nation.

Beijing is apparently unhappy with Pyongyang’s recent missile tests and refusal to return to the six-party talks on its nuclear programmes.

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DPRK tunnnels under the DMZ

Sunday, September 3rd, 2006

From the Korea Times:
Andrei Lankov
9/3/2006

In days gone by, underground mining was an important military activity, an essential part of any protracted siege campaign. Military miners, known as sappers, were discreetly digging tunnels under the walls and towers of the enemy castle, in the hope of collapsing them or, in later eras, stuffing the tunnels with explosives and blowing up the walls. The defenders were digging their own tunnels, trying to intercept the attackers and prevent them from completing their works.
Some digging operations took place during fairly recent campaigns, including even the First World War, but by and large sappers have been disappearing for the past few centuries– to be reborn in popularity, of all places, in North Korea during the 1970s.

The late 1960s was when the Pyongyang generals were serious about invading the South. I do not have proof (nobody has), but it feels that until the mid-1960s the North did not view an attack of the South as practical. The same was the situation from the mid-70s onwards. But between 1965 and 1975, the North Korean generals were probably really thinking about starting a Korean War once again.

However, the North Korean generals had to deal with one serious problem: they would have to breach the heavily fortified positions of the enemy who was likely to enjoy considerable air superiority. Hence, somebody came up with a brilliant idea: since we cannot drop our paratroopers behind the Southerners’ line, we can let our soldiers pass beneath the enemy’s position! We do not know whose idea it was – but I think that in due time the person’s name will be known to every student of Korean military history.

Thus, at some point in the late 1960s, the idea of an infiltration tunnel was born. It is believed that the large-scale construction began in 1971 when Kim Il Sung signed a special order authorizing the unusual plan. He is quoted as saying: “one tunnel can be more powerful then ten atomic bombs put together, and the tunnels are the most ideal means of penetrating the South’s fortified front line.”

According to published materials from US/ROK intelligence, each North Korean battle-line division, stationed near the DMZ was ordered to build two infiltration tunnels. As there were 11 divisions along the DMZ in the 1970s and 1980s, there should be 22 tunnels – if the intelligence is correct, that is. Only 4 tunnels have been discovered so far.

Strange noises and frequent explosions began to be heard in some parts of the DMZ from late 1973. Seismic monitoring equipment confirmed that some underground works featuring the heavy use of explosives were taking place. Finally, a North Korean engineer defected and provided information on the approximate locations of two tunnels. This led to intensive searches and, eventually, to the discovery of these impressive underground structures.

The first tunnel was discovered in November 1974, in the western part of the DMZ, some 60 km from Seoul. With an estimated total length of 3.5 kilometers, it extends one kilometer into the southern territory of the Military Demarcation Line that divides the DMZ. The tunnel is 1.2 meters high and 0.9-1.1 meters wide. This is not very large, but it still means that an entire regiment can pass through it every hour.

The next few years was a time of intensive counter-mining operations, as they used to be called in medieval times. Many methods were used to locate the tunnels, but good old ‘counter-mining’ proved to be most useful. First, bore holes were drilled in suspicious areas. Once discovered, a North Korean tunnel was counter-mined by digging an interception tunnel.

The second tunnel was discovered in March 1975. This tunnel was the most remarkable of all known structures of this kind. It is located in the central sector of the DMZ, about 13 kilometers away from Chorwon city, and about 100 km to the north-east of Seoul. The second tunnel is much larger (2.1-2.2 meters wide, 2.0 meters high), and it is the only known tunnel which would allow for the movement of armored vehicles and field artillery. An entire division can pass through it every hour. To facilitate the troop movement, a spacious troop assembly area was carved out inside the tunnel which has three exits.

The third tunnel discovered was slightly smaller, but it was also the closest to Seoul – and located merely 4 km from the truce village of Panmunjom. The tunnel was discovered thanks to a tip from a North Korean defector who had taken part in its construction. After its discovery in October 1978 for two decades no new underground structures were located, and for a while the tunnels appeared to be a thing of the past.

But a fourth tunnel was discovered in 1990, showing that tunnel building had continued into recent times. The US/ROK military insist that there are 18 undiscovered tunnels, probably now completed, along the DMZ.

There are some people who believe that some of these undiscovered tunnels have penetrated much deeper into the South, almost reaching Seoul. They even conduct searches for these tunnels, using private donations and the efforts of volunteers. Well, what should I say? Their pet idea does not appear very likely, of course, but there are always people who want to believe in something improbable. The story of the search for tigers in the DMZ is yet another confirmation of this.

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Nautilus Institute: DPRK Reform and PRC relations

Wednesday, August 23rd, 2006

Policy Forum Online 06-70A: August 23rd, 2006
DPRK’s Reform and Sino-DPRK Economic Cooperation

Analysis by Li Dunqiu
CONTENTS

I. Introduction
II. Analysis by Yi Li Dunqiu
——————————————————————————–
I. Introduction
Li Dunqiu, Director of Division of Korean Peninsular Studies at the Institute of World Development Center of Development Studies, writes, “Sino-DPRK economic cooperation is growing in depth and width but both sides adopt a low-profile and practical attitude… In fact Chinese enterprises, both private and state-owned, are looking for greater room for their future development as a result of the constantly improving market economy in China. Amid such backdrop, the DPRK naturally becomes their target…It is not difficult to see that laws of the market economy are the most fundamental reason behind Chinese enterprises’ investment in DPRK.”

The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Nautilus Institute. Readers should note that Nautilus seeks a diversity of views and opinions on contentious topics in order to identify common ground.

II. Analysis by Li Dunqiu
– DPRK’s Reform and Sino-DPRK Economic Cooperation
by Li Dunqiu
DPRK’s change is by no means accidental. It has its profound international and domestic backgrounds. DPRK has made tremendous efforts in shackling off the shadow of the Cold War and integrating into the constantly changing international community, but with little result. Leaders of DPRK have no choice but to explore a new way that suits its country. Amid this backdrop, DPRK is slowly but steadily promoting its reform, which is low-profile but pragmatic.

From the end of 1990s, DPRK has begun to make adjustments to its economic theories and policies, putting forward such new views and propositions as pragmatism, building a strong socialist country, focusing science and technology, new concepts and improving economic management modes. A series of “Measures to Improve Economic Management Order” was issued on 1 July 2002. The adjustment this time, comparing with previous ones, was strong in enforcement and wide in the areas involved, thus injecting new impetus in its economic recovery and development. Though DPRK’s economic reform is only introducing rational elements of the market economy to make up pitfalls of its planned economy with the prerequisite of adhering to the latter, it should be commended as a major innovation in DPRK’s theories and practice in building socialism. Early this year, we saw new phenomenon from the DPRK side. It started with Kim Jong Il ‘s visit to China accompanied by premiers of the State Council in mid-January to learn the successful experience of China’s reform and opening up, followed by Chang Song-taek’s eleven-day China inspection tour accompanied by over thirty high-ranking economic officials, and then Cabinet Premier Pak Pong Ju’s elaboration of this year main tasks in economic work on the Fourth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Supreme People’s Congress. These new changes were not only widely reported but also aroused great interest among the international community in the country’s economic changes.

I. DPRK’s Guiding Principle Undergoing Quiet Changes.

Basic Theories of DPRK’s Economic Reform

At present DPRK has not yet established systemic theories to guide its economic reform. But Chairman Kim Jong Il has proposed new ideas which have become the basis for its economic reform.

Pragmatism

It was first proposed by Kim Jong Il after he became General Secretary of the DPRK Labor Party. There is no works which systematically elaborates Pragmatism. But according to economists from DPRK, pragmatism has two meanings, i.e. to bring actual benefits for the people, and to be profit-oriented instead of suffering losses. The former is the principle while the latter is the detailed content.

To follow the rule of pragmatism in economy is to seek economic benefits and for companies to make profits. To this end, the Fiscal Law amended by DPRK in April 2004 changed the ultimate goal of companies from “reducing cost” to “increasing net income”, so as to help them be profit-oriented. At present, pragmatism is the principle that must be followed in all DPRK’s economic work. Its economists have vividly compared it with China’s “seeking truth from facts”. It is fair to say that pragmatism will become theoretic basis for people in DPRK to liberate their minds and promote economic reform.

Theory with Economic Development at the Core

The strategy that DPRK has established with economic development at the core is mainly embodied in its goal of “building a strong socialist country”. Entering into the new century, DPRK has proposed three targets including building its country into a strong military, political and economic power. It maintains that it has already achieved the first two with the third one yet to achieve. As a result, the goal of “building a strong socialist country” means that economic development is its core task at the moment.

Theory of “New Thinking”

Labor News, DPRK People’s Army and Young Pioneers DPRK, in their joint editorials on the New Year Day of 2001, put forward the “new thinking”, stressing that “priorities at the moment were fundamental changes in ideas, ways of thinking, styles of struggle and work to meet requirements of the modern times”. Chairman Kim Jong Il also pointed out that, having entered the modern times, it is necessary to update thinking according to the new times instead of living the old way on the basis of the past, and that they should boldly abandon those that should be abandoned instead of being restricted to the old ideas and sticking to the past and the outdated. “In the 21st century efforts should be made to approach and solve all questions with new ideas and from new height.” In addition, DPRK’s Labor News pointed it out in its editorials that “they should be bold in reform”, “further improve DPRK’s economic management system to meet the requirement of the new environment and new atmosphere”, and that priorities for the Labor Party in the 21st century is to ensure that the ideas, ways of thinking and working styles conform with the requirement of the new century.

Approach the Word “Reform” with Prudence

Though DPRK introduced elements of the market economy through constitutional amendments in 1998 and consequently adopted some reform measures, it strongly dislikes such words as “reform” and “opening up” and they are forbidden in the adjustment of its economic policies.

Despite this, the essence is “reform”, though different in word, evidenced in their newly issued policies for economic adjustment which were targeted at the outdated demands and practices that were divorced from reality. DPRK’s Labor News pointed it out in an article entitled “On the Rules of Socialist Economic Development” on 21 November 2001 that “those who manage the economy, i.e. people of DPRK, do not have enough experience, there are still room for improvement and perfection due to short history of socialism, and that the economy cannot be developed if those that are outdated, backward and separated from reality are not abandoned.” It is clear that this kind of “abandoning” has the implication of “reform”. Therefore it is reform unsuitable for DPRK instead “reform” itself that it is opposed to. In fact it is nonetheless progressing with economic reform both in theory and in practice in spite of it all. It was not until June 2003 that DPRK’s Central News Agency finally used the word “reform” though it quickly dropped the word again. The reason behind its prudence with the word “reform” is because it once openly expressed its opposition to and criticism against reform in China and former Soviet Union in its major official media.

Learn Reform Experience from Foreign Countries

DPRK’s supreme leader Kim Jong Il has visited China for four times since 2000, most of which were aimed at inspecting China’s economy. His unofficial visit to China from 10 to 18 January 2006 and inspection of China’s economic work in Beijing, Hubei and Guangdong Provinces attracted great attention from the international community.

The nine-day visit in China was rich in content, clear in objective and profound in significance. Kim brought his team to Beijing, Wuhan, Yichang, Guangzhou, Zhuhai, Shenzhen and they listened carefully to introductions made by government officials and companies managers in those provinces and cities, with the aim of learning and drawing upon China’s experience. He was deeply touched and impressed and even had “sleepless night” when he arrived in Beijing following the tour in China’s south. He said that he was unwilling to see the current situation in DPRK and hoped to see further progress in its economic and social development by absorbing the vigor and vitality from the market economy while continuing its planned economy; that he hoped to learn from China and do a good job in DPRK’s future economic development by combining its national conditions with actual situation. It was the first time for him to voice such opinions, indicating that leaders of DPRK were transforming their mode of thinking, acknowledging and accepting China’s development concepts; and that they were exploring laws of economic development in order to prepare for profound and comprehensive reform with DPRK style.

It is more important to note that the visit gave him a chance to see the fact that China’s reform had neither weakened the leading role of the Chinese Communist Party nor aroused social upheaval. It had instead enhanced the reputation of the Communist Party and its international influence, which removed his worry that reform and opening up might undermine the stability of the authorities. Shock waves continued among the high-level officials after he came back from the visit. Unprecedented views were voiced and new explanations made on major theoretic questions like what was socialism, how to evaluate capitalism. High-level officials were asked to theoretically keep abreast with the times and unify their thinking.

Only two months later, Chang Song-taek, First Deputy Minister of the Department of People’s Group and Capital Construction of the Central Committee of the DPRK Labor Party, headed an “expert team” of over thirty high-ranking economic officials to the places that Kim had just visited. His 11-day visit was yet another demonstration of DPRK’s aspiration to learn from China. In addition, DPRK also sent various economic delegations to China to study its experience in reform. It started to send trainees to China, Viet Nam and countries in Europe since its economic reform in 2002, equipping them with knowledge of market economy, finance, trade and hi-tech in particular. It thus started its nationwide campaign from the top down to study economics.

II. DPRK’s Economy and Current Policy Options

From 2000 DPRK has gained positive economic growth from the previous negative one. Of course the rate was very low, around 0.5%–1% for six years in running. Some estimated that growth rate in 2005 reached 2%, an opinion shared by some DPRK officials though genuine figures were hard to obtain in the country. DPRK’s economy has recovered and is poised to continue its steady growth in 2006.

There are two sets of mechanisms in DPRK, i.e. the military and the civilian. The most important economic sectors are controlled by the military, a noticeable feature of its economy. Strength and efficiency of the factories run by the military are higher than their civilian counterparts. Take the Taean Glass Factory for example. It was built with the assistance of the Chinese Government. At first a civilian factory was designated but its workers were low in efficiency and poor in quality, with which the Chinese side became dissatisfied. Consequently a military factory took up the role and all went well afterwards. With good cooperation, the project was successfully completed. This example showed that talents of economic development are mostly with DPRK’s military. It is therefore, like China in its first phase of reform and opening up, formulating policy to transform some military factories into civilian ones to support local economic growth.

All signs show that economic work has become the priority of DPRK. Leaders of the country and the Labor Party are concentrating their time and efforts on economic work. Main measures for this year are as follows:

Agriculture is the main task of this year’s economic development.

The Fourth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Supreme People’s Congress was convened on 11 April, on which Premier Pak Pong Ju delivered a report entitled Review of Work in 2005 and Plan for 2006. He stressed that the central task of the economic development for this year was “to develop agriculture in a decisive manner to successfully solve the food problem for the people in DPRK”.

In recent years DPRK has always taken agriculture as the “primary task” of its economic development. In order to solve food shortage it launched “Potato Revolution” and “Seed Revolution” in 2001, advocating the growth of agricultural crops with short mature periods and great harvests. Agricultural technicians cultivated new breeds of potatoes with no virus and high yields, in order to “supplement rice with potatoes”. Thanks to increased government input in agricultural production and development in agricultural science and technology, grain production has risen in recent years, reaching 4.6 million tons in 2005, the highest in ten years. With experience accumulated and benefit gained, DPRK has realized the importance of agriculture. It will continue to take it as the priority and central task of this year’s economic work. It is especially notable that when Kim Jong Il visited China last January, he went to the Crop Institute of the Chinese Academy of Agricultural Science, a sign which fully vindicated the importance attached to agricultural science and technology.

Work Hard to Develop Foreign Trade and Attract Foreign Investment.

Premier Pak Pong Ju stressed in his above-mentioned report that it was necessary to work hard to develop foreign trade and actively explore foreign markets to achieve diversification and multi-lateralization of trade in accordance with the changing environment and practical demands. DPRK has enhanced foreign trade up to an unprecedented height, which was a new change itself. Though US had begun its financial sanction against DPRK since the end of last year, its foreign trade increased by a large margin in 2005, reaching 3 billion USD in total, the highest since 1991. Trade between DPRK and ROK reached 1.05 billion USD in 2005 and this figure was not included in the total volume. It is estimated that this year DPRK will actively explore new markets in the EU and ASEAN countries while continuing to grow its trade with China and ROK.

China is DPRK’s largest trading partner. Sino-DPRK trade reached a historic high at 1.58 billion USD in 2005, up 14%. China’s export accounted for two thirds of its total. DPRK mainly imported food and energy from China, up by 35.2% annually and reaching 1.08 billion USD in 2005. Growth in Sino-DPRK trade was partly attributed to decrease in bilateral trade between DPRK and Japan, which stood at 0.194 billion USD in 2005, down by 23%.

Meanwhile DPRK is working actively to introduce foreign investment, including capital and technology. It organized two international commodities fairs, one in the 1980s and the other in the 1990s, to be followed by annual fairs every spring since 2000. The fairs were then held twice every year since 2005, one in spring and one in autumn.

The 9th Pyongyang Spring International Fair was grandly held from 15 to 18 May 2006. The total area of the exhibition hall was 16.5 thousand sq meters and it hosted 217 companies from 13 countries and regions in the world including China, the Netherlands, France and Germany. Products on display ranged from chemicals, electronics, pesticides, agricultural machines to cosmetics, pharmaceuticals and foods. Of the 196 foreign participating companies, 179 were Chinese, with 80% from China’s Liaoning Province. Contractual value topped 100 million Euros.

Ms Choe Lian-shi, Division Chief of DPRK’s Bureau of International Exhibition, said in her interview with the Xinhua New Agency that the main purpose for such fair was to help DPRK companies to know the world and for the world to know DPRK’s market. It was also to help DPRK companies establish links with their foreign counterparts in order to promote export, explore international markets and introduce advanced foreign technology to promote its economic development.

She pointed out that during the fair held last year, contracts, both for import and export and joint ventures, valued 70 million Euro, among which, export contracts amounting 30 million Euro, import contracts 32 million Euro and joint venture 8 million Euro.

She also stressed that Chinese companies took up the bulk of the participants. They came this time with the China Committee for the Promotion of International Trade, which made them more orderly and organized. All this showed that economic relations between China and DPRK were constantly developing and trade has become more active.

Apart from this DPRK also cooperates with the relevant sides in China to hold commodity fair and trade and investment talks in Beijing, Dandong and other cities in China several times a year.

Recently DPRK has organized some companies suitable for foreign markets to go outside the country to conduct foreign trade and economic cooperation. Construction companies in DPRK like Foreign Construction Co. sent thousands of experts and technicians to scores of countries and regions including Russia, Bangladesh, Kuwait and Libya to engage in project and labor contracting. Mansudae Overseas Development Group undertook to build bronze statues, monuments and other works of arts, and fit out buildings and parks in over 70 countries and regions to earn foreign currencies for the country. President statues in the seven African countries like Equatorial Guinea, Togo and Gabon, monument of the people’s heroes in Ethiopia, and the grain museum in Malaysia were all works of the company. DPRK Industrial Tech Co. opened branches in China and other countries to conduct trade in new technology, inventions and patents by replying on the institute and production bases attached to DPRK’s Academy of Sciences.

Improve Modes of Economic Management

Premier Pak Pong Ju also stressed in the report that efforts should be made to improve modes of economic management, to ensure practical benefits while reflecting socialist principles. DPRK has carried out factory and company reform through market price instead of planned price. It will also partially give up the state plan in production and sale. These measures are not only suitable for small- and medium-sized factories and enterprises but also for large-sized ones. Governments may purchase products from them according to market prices. They are also allowed to introduce foreign capital, establish joint-ventures or earn profits through trade within their capacity.

Speed up Development of Science and Technology

Another agenda of the Fourth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Supreme People’s Congress was extremely noticeable. It was the report entitled Speed up Development of Science and Technology to Build a Strong and Prosperous Country, delivered by Choe Thae Bok, Secretary General of the Central Committee of DPRK’s Labor Party. Development of Science and Technology as one of the priorities of DPRK’s future development, the report was regarded as indication of the importance attached to science and technology development and its aspiration to embrace the information society. A strategic goal of its science and technology development is to become a major software country by 2022.

It is not common for DPRK’s Supreme People’s Congress, its highest body of power, to add on the agenda the development of science and technology. Media in DPRK have stressed on many occasions that the 21st century is a century of science and technology and a century of information, and that without the development of science and development it is impossible to achieve the goal of “building a strong and prosperous country”. The Supreme People’s Congress deliberated carefully and adopted the report, fully testifying its importance on science and technology and the fact that science and technology development had become a nationwide consensus.

Special Economic Zones remains an important option for DPRK.

Kae-song Industrial Park is a successful cooperation between DPRK and ROK and the two sides have decided to expand its scale on the current basis. Covering an area of 10,000 sq meters, it is planned to expand to 1 million sq meters. Many small- and medium-sized enterprises in ROK intend to invest and start business in the park as labor price in China’s coastal region in the south east is rising. Products manufactured there can be regarded as ROK-made and exported to a third country.

The DPRK Government might copy China’s special economic zones to establish new such zones along the border areas between China and DPRK. It is reported that DPRK planned to establish a new economic zone on the Bidan Island on the lower reaches of the Yalu River and build it into a future financial center. The establishment of such zones remains an important option for DPRK but it is also very prudent due to previous failure.

III. DPRK’s Energy and Mineral Recourses

DPRK has severe shortage of energy, especially oil. 90% of its oil supply comes from China. It also has oil trade with Russia but the amount is trivial as it does not have enough foreign currency. Russian oil companies sell oil to DPRK at price lower than international market price. DPRK has almost no oil reserve to speak of. It is currently working actively with China to exploit oil in its West Sea.

Electricity is also in short supply in DPRK though its supply is slightly better compared to oil. DPRK is rich in water recourses so the Government tries to develop small hydro power stations. And in accordance with the principle of those who develop will benefit, local governments are encouraged to build such projects according to their own conditions, and with good results. It is claimed by DPRK officials that the country is in fact equipped with conditions to build large hydro power stations. That’s why Kim Jong Il and other high-level officials in DPRK visited China’s Three Gorges Hydro Power Project in Yichang early this year. But because of its tension with US and its fear of conflicts or wars, the Government only encourages small- and medium-sized hydro power stations before its relations with US has improved. In addition, it also stresses thermal power since it is rich in coal and able to provide sufficient fuel. Consumption of coal ranks the first among all energy, to be followed by hydro power.

DPRK is now studying new energy and hopes to convert it into actual use in production and life, i.e. solar power and biogas.

There are four important recourses in DPRK: rich forest resources; important mineral resources like abundant coal, iron ore, graphite, gold, silver, lead, zinc, magnesite, all of which now allow the participation of foreign companies; 8600-kilometer coasts with no pollution, which are rare in the world and hold great potentials for fishing, aqua-culture, processing of sea food once foreign capital and technology are channeled in; rich tourist resources, that may become one of its future pillar industries.

DPRK has abundant mineral recourses, with over 360 kinds confirmed and 200 kinds economically viable. It is noticeable that the reserve of its magnisite ranks the first in the world, accounting for 56% of the world’s total. Its top ten minerals include tungsten, molybdenum, graphite, heavy spar and fluorite. The reserve of copper and ilmenite is calculated in tens of millions of tons and that of white jade, jadeite, black jade and sand jade is also abundant. Since it has such a large reserve of metal and energy mines, 70% of its industrial raw materials and fuels are self-sufficient. But there is no oil and pitch coal (raw material for charcoal), both of which are necessary for iron and steel industry though anthracite and brown coal are abundant. Coal, iron ore, lead and zinc core, limestone and magnisite take up the bulk of DPRK’s mineral industry but only 30% of the capacity is utilized due to restrictions of outdated equipment and poor technology. Iron ore is exploited in over 20 mines represented by Musan Mine. With a reserve of 1 billion tons, it is a famous open mine in the world and the largest in a country with an iron output of 8 million tons. Production of iron ore grew by 2-3% since 1970s, as a result of expansion and development of iron mines. But the growth has slowed down recently due to poor results of prospecting and outdated equipment. Foreign capital is now being introduced.

DPRK’s coal is divided into anthracite and bituminous coal. The former is mainly located in Pyongan-namdo and Pyongan-bukto while the latter in Hamgyong-bukto and Hamgyong-namdo. According to administrative division, there are four major coal mines in DPRK, namely Pyongan-namdo Mine, Pyongan-bukto Mine, Hamgyong-bukto Mine and Hamgyong-namdo. Currently there are over 100 national coal mines, 70 anthracite mines and 30 bituminous coal mines, and over 500 small- and medium-sized local mines.

In the 80-kilometer belt in the south of Pyongan-namdo stretching from east to west with Pyongyang at the center, the reserve of anthracite is abundant. Notable mines include Samsin (Samsindon, Daefon-gu) , Sadon (Sadon-gu), Ryongzen (Ryongzen-gu), Haelyong (Ladonza-gu, Haelyong, Gangdon-gun), Gangdon (Gangdon-gun), Gangso (Gangso-gun), Zencun (Zencun-gun), Wonstun (Wonstun-gun). There is anthracite in 668 sq kilometers in the north of Pyongan-namdo. Main coal mines there include those in Donstun, Syongbun, Jaenam, Joyang of Ganstun, Ganstun, Bonstun, Yamzum, Wyonlae, Xinlyon, Sonam of Bugstun-gun, Xiandon, Xinstun of Ensam-gun, Stunzen, Yongdae, Sunstun, Mujindae, Gigdon, and Ryongden, Ryongmun and Ryongcel of Kujang-gun, P’y?ngan-bukto.

Bituminous coal is mostly concentrated in the North Mine (north of Aoji) and South Mine (south of Chongjin) in Hamgyong-bukto and Anju Mine in Pyongan-namdo. Largest coal mines in the north include Aoji Mine in Undok-kun, Obun Mine in Musam, Hue Ryon Mine. There are seven ore strata that are 2-5 meters in depth in Anju Mine, producing brown coal of 5300kcal. With an annual output of 7 million tons, it is thus the largest mine in DPRK.

DPRK’s proven coal deposits are 14.74 billion tons, 11.74 being anthracite and 3 billion tons brown coal. Recoverable reserve, allowed by the current technology, is about 7.9 billion tons. Its coal production has dropped since the end of 1980s due to restrictions of technology and equipment. (See the table below for annual production since the 1980s)

*Unit: 10,000 tons

Year 1980 1985 1990 1993 1995 1999 2000 2002
Production 3,027 3,750 3,315 2,710 2,370 2,100 2,250 2,190

IV. Rapid Growth of Sino-DPRK Trade and Economic Cooperation

Sino-DPRK trade and economic cooperation grows at an eye-catching pace. With trade accounting for 40% of its total and investment 70%, China has thus become DPRK’s largest trading partner and source of investment. DPRK has been more dependent on China in food and energy supply. Main ports between the two countries have become or are becoming major vehicles of bilateral trade and economic cooperation. The friendly visit by Chinese President Hu Jintao to DPRK in October 2005 and Kim Jong Il’s China visit in January this year have further promoted political and economic cooperation between the two countries and injected new impetus in bilateral trade.

Trade between China and DPRK has increased by 14%, reaching 1.6 billion USD. DPRK import commodities like oil and corn from China, worth 1 billion USD, and export commodities like coal and iron ore to China, worth 0.5 billion USD. According to the statistics from Dandong Customs, 1.86 million tons of import and export went through the Dandong Port in 2005 at a value of 0.84 billion USD, up both in quantity and value by 10%, with 0.45 billion USD in China’s favor. It is estimated that DPRK will continue to expand trade with China this year. The two countries have planned to build a new road bridge across the Yalu River to meet the demands of the constantly growing trade.

Sino-DPRK Trade Volume from 1997 to 2005

*Unit: 100 million USD

Year DPRK’s Total Foreign Trade DPRK’s Trade with China China’s Export China’s Import

Year DPRK’s Total Foreign Trade DPRK’s Trade with China China’s Export China’s Import
1997 21.7 6.5 5.3 1.2
1998 14.4 4.1 3.5 0.6
1999 14.8 3.7 3.2 0.5
2000 19.7 4.8 4.5 0.3
2001 22.7 7.37 5.7 1.6
2002 22.6 7.33 4.6 2.7
2003 29 10.23 6.3 3.9
2004 31 13.85    
2005 40.5 15.8 10.8 5

In recent years Chinese businessmen have accelerated their investment in DPRK. Those who took the lead in investing DPRK mainly came from Zhejiang, Jilin, Liaoning, Jiangsu and Guangdong Provinces with Zhejiang businessmen taking up the bulk. In 2003, 40 businessmen from Wenzhou, Yiwu, Dongyang, Cixi and Hangzhou headed by Lu Yunlei, agreed on cooperation intent with the operators of Pyongyang No. 1 Store. Guhui Trading Co. lead by Lu, obtained, unexpectedly, operating right of 15,000 sq meters of the store and corresponding 9,000 sq meters of warehouse. The deal was signed on 6 August 2003. Lu commented that what he valued was the market potentials in a country that was opening up. Lu also disclosed that he would invest several million of RMB to renovate the store and that operating space in the store would cover 10,000 sq meters, divided into over 300 booths to be further rented to Chinese businessmen to wholesale and retail small Chinese commodities, daily necessities in particular. The Zhejiang businessman commented opportunities in DPRK like this: “It is better to have our presence in the country but don’t expect too much from the first phase”.

It was the private companies that gave rise to the first wave of investing in DPRK. The second wave in 2005 was mostly generated by large state-owned enterprises, in areas like heavy industry, energy, mineral recourses and transportation, different from the first one.

At present DPRK has agreed to the joint-venture between China National Metals and Minerals Import and Export Corporation and its ??Coal Mine. This is not only the first established by China outside DPRK’s special economic zone but also represents an important measure by DPRK to open its recourses. Rydongden Coal Mine is the largest anthracite mine in DPRK. Covering an area of 18.8 sq kilometers, it has a reserve of 0.15 billion ton, 0.125 billion of which is recoverable. Its annual output is 1 million tons, equal to a medium-sized coal mine in China.

According to report issued by the Development and Reform Committee of Jilin, the province has reached a “barter” agreement with DPRK, transmitting electricity to the country in exchange of the mining rights of its Youth Copper Mine. With a total investment of 0.22 billion RMB, it is a typical experiment by DPRK to exchange electricity with mineral recourses. Jinlin Tonghua Iron and Steel Group will obtain 50-year mining rights in Musan Iron, the largest in DPRK, at a price of 7 billion RMB. Musan Iron, located in Hamgyong-bukto is the largest open mine in Asia, with proven reserve of iron powder about 7 billion tons. With iron content as high as 66%, it is able to be smelted directly.

Gold reserves in DPRK are also very rich. Guoda Gold Shareholding Co. Ltd., in Zhaoyuan, Shandong Province signed an agreement in 2004 with DPRK on gold exploration and smelting project. According to the agreement, a joint-venture would be set up for gold mining in ??? and bring back the ore to the company for smelting. ??? Gold Mine, which was set up quite early, has a considerable reserve and at least 150 tons can be recoverabled. But due to the lack of capital and outdated technology, operation of the mine has been at a standstill.

In September 2005 DPRK sold the 50-year exclusive operating rights of Najin wharf to Huichun, Jilin, in order to get the latter’s support for building a road from Tongsungu, Wonstunli, Kasung-si, to Najin Port. Sources from the Administrative Committee of the Border Economic Cooperation Zone in Huichun, Jilin, disclosed that the sale this time of the wharf in Najin Port was more of a corporate instead of government act. It was said that Fan Yingsheng, a real estate developer from Hunan, was the mastermind behind the deal and he alone would channel half of the 60 million Euro in payment.

Capital from Hong Kong is also coming. Early investments were mainly channeled to hotels, restaurants and the entertainment industry. But according to a recent report from Hong Kong media, a local businessman Qian Haoming reached a 3-billion USD agreement with the DPRK Government and China’s Ministry of Railway to build a railway from Tumen, border city in China, to Chongjin, port in DPRK. The agreement signifies that the deadlock between railway authorities of the two countries is being broken. There used to be three pending questions with the DPRK railway, i.e. overstock, arrears and withholding of Chinese cargo carriages. This forced the Chinese railway authority to take measures to restrict transportation between the two countries, like intermittent loading and goods limits. Statistics show that over 2000 carriages were held up in DPRK in 2004, 260 of which were for coal. It is reported that Hong Kong International Industry Development Co. Ltd., headed by Qian Haoming, promised to provide 500 to 1000 carriages to DPRK as required by the agreement.

Preliminary agreements have been reached at the moment between China and DPRK concerning minerals, railway and port lease. Sino-DPRK economic cooperation is growing in depth and width but both sides adopt a low-profile and practical attitude. It is necessary to point out that such development has aroused concern from relevant countries in North East Asia, which mistake China for having political motives. In fact Chinese enterprises, both private and state-owned, are looking for greater room for their future development as a result of the constantly improving market economy in China. Amid such backdrop, neighboring country DPRK naturally becomes their target. There are plenty of Chinese enterprises with strength ready to come into DPRK, more active than the government policy allows. During the National People’s Congress last march, delegates from local enterprises proposed a motion to the Central Government, calling for policy and legal guarantees for expanded and deepened economic cooperation with DPRK, including the establishment of special economic zones and free trade areas. It is not difficult to see that laws of the market economy are the most fundamental reason behind Chinese enterprises’ investment in DPRK.

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Are sanctions curbing DPRK illicit activities?

Friday, July 21st, 2006

From the Joong Ang Daily:

Experts say money squeeze on North is working

For 10 months, Washington has enforced a systematic plan to clamp down on cash going into North Korea. The measures are working, experts say.

Nam Sung-wook, a North Korea expert at Korea University, estimated yesterday that the recent measures have led to a 40 percent decline in North Korean leader Kim Jong-il’s income.

Since the 1980s, Kim Jong-il has regularly collected money from four sources: forged bank notes, arms sales, drug trafficking and money coming from ethnic Koreans living in Japan who acquire money by operating legal gambling casinos there.

Mr. Kim used the money to cement his hold on the North Korean elite, such as the military. Those in the right position received from the “Dear Leader” gifts ranging from German luxury cars to Japanese electronics.

However, since 2002, when the Bush administration started to tackle the issue with its North Korea Working Group, the situation changed and has squeezed the North. The U.S. group is composed of 14 government organizations, including the U.S. treasury department. Washington’s efforts against counterfeit money have yielded results: At the end of last year Irish national Sean Garland and six others were indicted for distributing North Korean-manufactured “supernotes.”

The North is believed to have produced annually $15 million to $25 million of forged money.

As a result of international pressure, one government official said it would be harder for the North to print new forged bank notes and circulate them.

The arms trade is also an important money maker for the North. However, since it sold 15 Scud-type missiles in December 2002 to Yemen, Pyongyang has not inked another arms deal. Sources said yesterday Pyongyang tried last year to sell missiles to African nations, but in light of Washington’s international call to prevent the transfer and sales of weapons of mass destruction, cautious African nations have distanced themselves from Pyongyang.

In the international arms market, Chinese-manufactured AK-47 assault rifles and other cheaper alternatives are being preferred over North Korean-made ones. The North’s drug trafficking is reportedly giving Pyongyang an annual income of $100 million. From 1998 to 2002 Japanese authorities seized 1,500 kilograms (3,300 pounds) of North Korea-manufactured philpone, a methamphetamine.

Nevertheless, a continued crackdown has narrowed the avenues of sales to organized crime groups such as the Japanese yakuza.

Money sent from the North Korea- backed Chongryon, the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, amounted to 2 billion yen ($1.7 million) to 3 billion yen annually until 2002 with the money being shipped by a North Korean ferry.

However, since 2003, Tokyo has imposed regulations on the ferry, dropping the money flow to 1 billion yen per year. With the recent missile launch, Tokyo is now considering cutting off the money flow even more by strengthening the monitoring of insured postal parcels above a certain amount.

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Underground backup command center under Taesong

Friday, July 21st, 2006

Chosun
7/21/2006 (not sure of year)

Mammoth Underground Square and Road in Pyongyang

The Pyongyang subway has two generally-unknown facilities: a mammoth “underground square” in preparation against war, and an “underground road” between the subway stations, linking the Mount Kumsu Memorial Palace and the Sunan Airport in the suburbs of Pyongyang.

The underground square, built as a bunker command post for the Supreme Command of the People’s Armed Forces and a space for storing manpower and equipment during a war, is located in Anhak-dong, near the Nakwon Subway Station, famous for the Central Zoo at the foot of Mount Taesong. The square is said to be comparable in area to the Kim Il Sung Square, which can accommodate a rally of over 100,000 people.

The underground square is learned to have been constructed by the General Military Engineer Corps of the People’s Armed Forces in the 1970s when the second phase of the Pyongyang subway was built, linking the five stations of Hyoksin, Chonsung, Samhung, Kwangmyong and Nakwon. The command post in the underground square is said to be replete with state-of-the-art communications equipment and billeting facilities, and a host of 10-ton trucks including Soviet-made Zils and Japanese Isizus are kept in the square to transport troops and arms to be shipped by the subway under an emergency.

The underground road between subway stations connects the late national founder and president Kim Il Sung’s palace and the current Mount Kumsu Memorial Palace, with the Sunan Airport. It was said to have been built in case Kim Il Sung had to be evacuated by plane. The Mount Kumsu Memorial Palace is connected to the Kwangmyong Subway Station. The underground road is said to have been maintained even after the death of president Kim Il Sung in 1994 under the judgment that it can be of use in the event the North Korean military leadership, headed by Kim Jong Il, should need to move to Sunan Airport from the underground square in the case of a war.

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DPRK suspends family reunions

Wednesday, July 19th, 2006

Well, since the ROK has suspended further food/fertilizer aid to the DPRK in response to the current missle situation, the DPRK has suspended family reunions.

From the Joong Ang:

In a tit-for-tat reaction to Seoul’s decision to suspend rice and fertilizer aid, Pyongyang yesterday canceled a separated family reunion and said future ones were in jeopardy.

The Korea Central News Agency broadcast a letter from the North Korean Red Cross to its counterpart in Seoul. The letter said Seoul had refused to talk seriously about a family reunion the North had proposed be held during the Chuseok holidays in October. “Furthermore,” the letter continued, “the South refused to ship rice and fertilizer, one of the inter-Korean humanitarian projects that are conducted on the basis of reciprocity.” Pyongyang, the letter went on, sees no reason to continue family reunions.

“We want to make clear that the video conference call reunion, scheduled to mark August 15, and the construction of a reunion venue at Mount Kumgang will be terminated,” the letter concluded. The Japanese surrendered on Aug. 15, 1945, to end World War II. Both Koreas celebrate a Liberation Day holiday on that date. Although reunions have been held frequently at Mount Kumgang, the two Koreas had agreed to build a permanent reunion site there rather than using tourist hotels.

The Unification Ministry said it would do its best to restart the reunions. It said it anticipated that reaction by Pyongyang but regretted it.

And from the BBC:

The North accused the South of “sacrificing” humanitarian co-operation under pressure from Japan and the US.

Seoul announced the suspension of rice and fertiliser deliveries after inter-Korea talks collapsed last week.

The talks followed North Korea’s missile tests on 5 July, which have raised international concern.

Pyongyang test-fired seven missiles, including a long-range Taepodong-2 believed capable of reaching Alaska.

South Korea says it will not discuss further humanitarian aid with its neighbour until progress is made on resolving issues relating to the missile tests and the North’s nuclear ambitions.

After the high-level talks in Busan fell apart last week, the delegation from Pyongyang issued a statement warning of consequences for inter-Korean ties.

In the latest statement, North Korea’s Red Cross head Jang Jae-on accused the South of “abusing the humanitarian issue for meeting its sinister purpose to serve the outsiders”.

“Our side is, therefore, of the view that it has become impossible to hold any discussion related to humanitarian issues, to say nothing of arranging any reunion between separated families and relatives between the two sides,” he said.

A video reunion meeting scheduled for 15 August would not take place and the planned construction of a reunion centre in the North’s Mt Kumgang was “impossible”, he said.

The reunions bring together families divided by the partitioning of the Korean Peninsula in 1953. The policy has been a key part of reconciliation efforts between the two Koreas.

Earlier, South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun told a meeting of security advisers that Pyongyang’s missile tests were “wrong behaviour” that increased regional tensions.

But he warned against overreacting, saying: “An excessive response to North Korea’s missile tests creates unnecessary tensions and confrontation.”

On Tuesday, the Japanese government said it had begun work on its own set of sanctions for North Korea, in addition to those agreed by the UN Security Council.

The council unanimously passed a resolution on Saturday which condemned the missile launches, but it was softer than the draft initially proposed by Japan.

Japan would look into banning cash remittances to the North from Korean residents, Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe told reporters.

But on Wednesday, Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi said he would not rush to impose more sanctions.

“We should wait and see for a while whether North Korea will seriously respond to the (UN) resolution,” he said.

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ROK halts DPRK humanitarian aid

Thursday, July 13th, 2006

The 2005 winners of the Nobel Prize in Economics were selected for “having enhanced our understanding of conflict and cooperation through game-theory analysis”.  I would check out thier work in order to make sense of the current DPRK/ROK diplomatic posturing.

From the Washington Post:

South Korea on Thursday suspended humanitarian aid to North Korea until it agrees to return to international nuclear disarmament talks.

The action infuriated visiting North Korean officials, who immediately cut off high-level talks in South Korea and stormed back home.

The decision to postpone consideration of a North Korean request for 500,000 tons of rice marked the South’s first punitive action against its impoverished communist neighbor since it defied the international community and test fired seven missiles, including a long-range Taepodong-2, on July 4.

The move came as the administration of South Korean President Roh Moo Hyun has come under sharp public criticism at home for what many there viewed as a weak response by Seoul to the North’s missile tests.

South Korea on Thursday reiterated its deep opposition to a push by Japan and the United States to impose broader sanctions on North Korea through a draft resolution at the United Nation’s Security Council. Seoul has also vowed to maintain its “sunshine policy” of engagement, which has fostered the warmest ties between the Stalinist North and capitalist South since the Korean War divided them in two more than half a century ago.

But the decision to follow through with a previous threat to suspend food aid if North Korea tested missiles — a threat many experts doubted the South Koreans would stick to — displayed a new willingness by the South to use its significant economic clout to apply pressure on the North.

The North Koreans — for whom economic assistance by South Korea is topped only by China — appeared jolted by the decision. At talks being held in the South Korean city of Pusan that were originally scheduled to end Friday, Pyongyang’s delegation abruptly departed Thursday afternoon.

South Korea’s Yonhap news service reported that the North Korean officials left after circulating a statement calling the rupture the result of “reckless” attempts by South Korea to raise “irrelevant issues.” Those issues, South Korean officials said, were the recent missile tests and the North’s refusal to return to six-party talks on its nuclear programs.

The North bitterly condemned Seoul’s decision to suspend food aid, saying “the South side will pay a price before the nation for causing the collapse of the ministerial talks and bringing a collapse of North-South relations.”

South Korean officials, who in recent years have rolled out the red carpet for their visiting North Korean kin, this time offered them a simple meal and welcome bereft of customary sightseeing excursions and photo opportunities. When the North’s representatives understood they would not be returning with promises for more food aid, they simply left.

“The North Korean side expressed their position that additional negotiations would be unnecessary under the circumstance that additional humanitarian aid they need would be impossible,” Lee Kwan Se, a South Korean Unification Ministry official, told reporters.

For the United States and Japan, both pushing for a strong draft resolution at the United Nations that would ban international trade of North Korean missile and other military technology, the South Korean action was a rare diplomatic bright spot.

Christopher Hill, Washington’s top envoy on North Korea, left Beijing for Washington on Thursday after it became clear that Chinese efforts to persuade the Pyongyang government to come back to the six-party talks had apparently failed.

Before leaving, Hill said there was no indication that the North Koreans had changed their position to boycott the talks, which have been stalled since last November.

Japan, which has been deeply rattled by the North’s missile tests, vowed to continue pushing for a tough resolution that would impose sanctions on the North Koreas. But China and Russia back their alterative U.N. resolution unveiled on Wednesday. That draft would censure North Korea for its missile tests, but would endorse only voluntary measures aimed at restraining Pyongyang’s ballistic missile and nuclear weapons programs.

“The Chinese are as baffled as we are,” Hill told reporters in Beijing before departing. “China has done so much for that country and that country seems intent on taking all of China’s generosity and then giving nothing back.”

By Anthony Faiola
Washington Post Foreign Service

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