Archive for the ‘Finance’ Category

N. Korea escalates ‘cult of Kim’ to counter West’s influence

Saturday, January 13th, 2007

Christian Science Monitor
Robert Marquand
1/3/2007

North Koreans are taught to worship Kim Jong Il as a god. In a manner unique among nations, the North exerts extraordinary control through deification – a cult ideology of complete subservience – that goes beyond the “Stalinist” label often used to describe the newly nuclear North.

While outsiders can see film clips of huge festivals honoring Mr. Kim, the extraordinary degree of cult worship is not well known, nor that programs promoting the ideology of Kim are growing, according to refugees, diplomats, and others who have visited the Hermit Kingdom.

In fact, in a time of famine and poverty, government spending on Kim-family deification – now nearly 40 percent of the visible budget – is the only category in the North’s budget to increase, according to a new white paper by the Korea Institute for International Economic Policy in Seoul. It is rising even as defense, welfare, and bureaucracy spending have decreased. The increase pays for ideology schools, some 30,000 Kim monuments, gymnastic festivals, films and books, billboards and murals, 40,000 “research institutes,” historical sites, rock carvings, circus theaters, training programs, and other worship events.

In 1990, ideology was 19 percent of North Korea’s budget; by 2004 it doubled to at least 38.5 percent of state spending, according to the white paper. This extra financing may come from recent budget offsets caused by the shutting down of older state funding categories, says Alexander Mansourov of the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Honolulu.

It has long been axiomatic that the main danger to the Kim regime is internal unrest. That is, Koreans will discover the freedoms, glitter, and diversity of the modern outside world, and stop believing the story of idolatry they are awash in. “It isn’t quite realized [in the West] how much a threat the penetration of ideas means. They [Kim’s regime] see it as a social problem that could bring down the state,” says Brian Myers, a North Korean expert at Dongseo University in Busan, South Korea.

Since the poverty and famine of the late 1990s, everything from CDs and videos, South Korean radio, and cellphone signals from China, new styles and products, and new commercial habits have seeped in, mostly across the Chinese border, in a way that might be called “soft globalization.” Such flows feed a new underground system of private business, information, bribery, and trade that exists outside the strict party-state discipline and rules.

Yet rather than accept such penetration as an inexorable threat, Kim is putting up a serious fight to slow and counter it – by increasing his program of cult-worship.

Kim Worship 2.0

Like a computer software firm updating program versions, the North is steadily updating its ideology to make it relevant. This practice of mass control by in-your-face ideology has been laughed off in much of the world, including China. But North Korea is increasing its ideological cult worship. The scope of the current project outdoes even the cult of personality during Mao’s Cultural Revolution, according to a 2005 doctoral dissertation by Lee Jong Heon at Chung-Ang University in Seoul. Mr. Lee visited North Korea several times for his research.

After the Oct. 9 nuclear test, for example, banners sprang up over North Korea stating “We are a country with a nuclear deterrent.” Kim’s test feeds a national pride that is part of the propaganda drilled into Koreans from birth: that Kim alone can fend off the US and Japanese enemies. A US diplomat in Asia says such pride may prohibit Kim from giving up his nuclear program in the current “six party talks” – and those talks stalled again in late December in Beijing.

“The cult of personality campaign is more extensive today than in 1985,” says former South Korean foreign minister Han Sung Joo, who visited Pyongyang this past October, and in 1985. “Unlike the Stalin and Mao personality cults, there is a deification and a religious emotional element in the North. The twinned photos of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il are everywhere. Every speech says Kim Il Sung is still alive. I think if I stayed another two weeks, I might even see Kim Il Sung. The country worships someone who is deceased, as if he is alive.”

Kim Jong Il has upgraded his deification strategies to strengthen the family cult system. Western reports often detail Korea’s unique “juche ideology” – a theology of Kim worship, repeated hourly and daily, reminding Koreans they are insolubly bound to the Kim family and must erase foreign influence from their minds.

Yet juche is a subcategory of a far more encompassing umbrella of deification known as woo sang hwa, or idol worship. In North Korea, woo sang hwa contains all the aspects of cult worship. Kim broke away from orthodox communism, for example, in a program called “our style socialism.” While Marxism-Leninism demands fealty to “nation,” “party,” and “serving the people” – Kim’s “our style [Korean] socialism” does no such thing. It makes “family loyalty,” with Kim at the head, the supreme good – a major deflection from communism.

During the late 1990s famine, a “Red Banner” campaign for unconditional loyalty and harder toil began. Then came “Kangsong Taeguk” in the late 1990s – a project to push economic and military ideology. This project culminated in the 1998 Taepodong-1 rocket launches, which thrilled North Koreans, frightened Japan, and started a whole new military mindset in Tokyo.

The North uses “ideology rather than physical control,” Lee says, whenever possible. The current variation of the program is called “military first.” It is intended to bolster North Korea’s nuclear efforts. Military First started as a campaign to support juche, and as a slogan designed to remind Koreans that the nation is at war. It came packaged with a rallying cry called “dare to die,” say refugees and Kim experts. (There’s a dare-to-die pop song, and a dare-to-die movie. Recent internal memos brought by defectors indicate “dare to die” is urged on local officials due to a feeling in Pyongyang that young people aren’t showing enough zeal to make such a dare.)

A new military focus

Yet Military First may now be a tool for evolving a significant structural change – a new ruling elite in day-to-day affairs. For years, the North Korean state was ruled by the workers’ party. Under Kim Il Sung the party was the driving force in Korea – the main route to achievement and pay. Everyone wanted to join. (Party members in China and Vietnam are 5 percent of the population; a 1998 Korean Central report put Korea’s membership at 5 million, or 22 percent, though it may be lower.)

“The outcome of the Military First policy replaces the workers as a main force,” says Haiksoon Paik, a North Korean specialist at the Sejong Institute outside Seoul. “North Korea’s party has not been functioning as well as it is supposed to … several positions in the Politburo have not been reappointed. Kim is not depending on the party, but a smaller more streamlined military apparatus. This is due to his politics as a result of the nuclear crisis brought by the Americans.”

“Military First is not aimed at building up the military, which is already quite built up and strong,” says Lee, whose dissertation is titled, “A Political Economic Analysis of the North Korean Regime.” “It is about replacing the old party – First Rice – structure of senior Kim. If the party is unwieldy, the military will control the people on behalf of the leader.”

Tellingly, on New Year’s Day, Kim Jong Il visited the shrine where his father was interred. He has gone there only four times since he came to power in 1995. Each visit has taken place in a year following major accomplishments. According to South Korean media, for the first time, Kim visited the shrine without party or government officials. This time, only key military officials were in attendance. On Tuesday, North Korean papers heralded the visit, and the Oct. 9 nuclear tests as “an auspicious event in the national history.”

Kim-worship in the North is a vivid – and inescapable – spectacle to behold, say visitors. Thousands of giant “towers of eternality” to Kim scatter the landscape. Special “Kimjongilia” crimson begonias are tended in family gardens. Kim’s media calls him variously the “Guardian Deity of the Planet,” and “Lodestar of the 21st Century.” In 2002, Korean mass dances known as Arirang, featured 100,000 flag wavers (and was described in state media as the “greatest event of humankind.”) Many loyal Koreans bow twice daily to Kim pictures that sit alone on the most prominent wall of their homes.

Perhaps the most misunderstood aspect of the Korean cult project is its recent veering toward race and ethnic solidarity, say Kim watchers. His main appeal to his people today, a push that rarely gets attention outside the North, is to the racial superiority of a people whose isolation and stubborn xenophobia supposedly makes their bloodlines purer. Mr. Myers notes that festivals of 100,000 flag wavers is not a Stalinist exercise, but a celebration of “ethnic homogeneity.” Since the 1990s Kim has more fervently claimed lineage to the first ancient rulers of Korea, a move intended to place him in a position of historical, if not divine, destiny as leader of the peninsula.

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North Korea selling off gold reserves

Wednesday, December 27th, 2006

Korea Herald
12/27/2006

North Korea, desperate for foreign currency under U.S.-imposed sanctions, has started to sell its gold reserves on international markets, a Japanese newspaper said Tuesday.

The United States last year blacklisted a Pyongyang-linked bank in Macau, infuriating the communist regime which walked out of disarmament talks for 13 months during which it tested an atom bomb.

Since the US crackdown on the bank, North Korea has earned 28 million dollars in foreign cash by exporting gold to Thailand, which had not imported gold from Pyongyang for the previous five years, the Yomiuri Shimbun said.

North Korea exported 500 kilograms of bullion to Thailand in April and another 800 kilograms a month later, the conservative Japanese daily said without identifying its sources.

North Korea’s central bank, Choson Central Bank was also re-listed on May 12 for trading on the London Bullion Market, said the newspaper, quoting a spokesman for the London market.

The North Korean central bank, which can issue currency, joined the London gold market in 1976 but was de-listed in June 2004 due to inactive trading, the newspaper said.

The Yomiuri, citing South Korean data, said North Korea was estimated to have between 1,000 and 2,000 tons of gold reserves.

The United States blacklisted Macau’s Banco Delta Asia in September 2005, saying it suspected that 24 million dollars in North Korean accounts were linked to counterfeiting or money-laundering.

The accounts have been frozen and other Asian banks have taken similar moves.

The financial sanctions were a main topic during six-nation talks, aimed at persuading North Korea to end its nuclear program, which ended in deadlock last week in Beijing.

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Frozen bank accounts hold $12 million from Hyundai

Thursday, December 21st, 2006

Joong Ang Daily
12/21/2006
Choi Hyung-kyu, Kwon Hyuk-joo

Half of the $24 million in North Korean assets held in the frozen Banco Delta Asia accounts came from the Hyundai Group of South Korea, sources here told the JoongAng Ilbo yesterday. Other sources said North Korea will be able to access some of the frozen holdings next week, because the money had been proven “legitimate.”

The Macao-based bank froze the North Korean holdings last year after the U.S. government accused Pyongyang of financial crimes, such as money laundering and counterfeiting U.S. dollars. Since then, the North has made the unfreezing of those assets a precondition for the nuclear disarmament negotiations.

A U.S. source who requested anonymity said yesterday the $12 million was a part of Hyundai Group’s payments to North Korea for inter-Korean businesses. The money was wired in several payments, the source said. The payments were initially sent to other bank accounts that deal with North Korea, the source said, and then forwarded to the Banco Delta Asia accounts from there.

To deposit a large sum, an account holder must inform the bank in Macao about the source of the money and its purpose. The source showed North Korean account holders’ statements which claimed the deposits came from Hyundai.

Another source well informed about Banco Delta Asia affairs also said the money came from Hyundai.

“It is not easy to distinguish how much of the North Korean assets was earned from legitimate economic activities,” a senior South Korean government official said. “To sort the matter out, the United States and North Korea should meet and discuss the issue.”

In Beijing, O Kwang-chol, the president of the Foreign Trade Bank of Korea, has been meeting with U.S. Deputy Assistant Treasury Secretary Daniel Glaser since Tuesday.

Signs also pointed to a thawing of the freeze on the accounts in the near future. Other sources said Pyongyang has dispatched officials to the city of Zhuhai in China with papers necessary to withdraw the $12 million from the bank in Macao. They said access will likely be granted Tuesday or Wednesday of next week.

Hyundai Asan, Hyundai Group’s North Korea business arm, said yesterday it has not sent any money to a Banco Delta Asia account. The Mount Kumgang tour program began in 1998.

The company said it has wired $1 million a month to an overseas bank account designated by North Korea.

A senior official with Hyundai Asan said North Korea frequently changed the account. “I don’t know if our payment was later wired to BDA accounts or not, but I think that could be possible,” he said.

Hyundai Group provided $500 million to North Korea on the eve of the 2000 inter-Korean summit by wiring the money to a North Korean account with a foreign bank, but the sum currently frozen at the Banco Delta Asia accounts is not connected to that, the sources said.

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Difficult to Recover British-American Tobacco Funds

Wednesday, December 20th, 2006

Daily NK
Yang Jung A
12/20/2006

Difficult to Recover British Funds Caught in BDA North Korea Accounts

In amongst the North Korean accounts that were frozen from Macao’s Banco Delta Bank (BDA) was joint funds from a British tobacco company which has been deemed difficult to recover.

The U.K. Financial Times reported on the 18th that the $7mn of the $24mn in North Korea funds frozen in BDA accounts is from Korean trusts and banks of which half the funds is estimated to from a joint account by British American Tobacco (BAT) and a tobacco company trading by North Korea.

BAT’s spokesperson Catherine Armstrong revealed in an interview with Radio Free Asia (RFA) on the 18th “The money has been certified as legal so we’re very keen to get the money out of the frozen account.”

Regarding the amount of frozen funds, Armstrong said “As there are no substantial data, an actual figure cannot be revealed but I am aware it is nearing tens and hundreds of thousands of dollars.”

Raphael Perl, a specialist at the U.S. Congressional Research Service (CRS) said “We don’t necessarily know on its face that the North Korean tobacco company is not also involved in criminal activity” and revealed “As North Korea sells fake cigarettes on a large scale, every tobacco company in North Korea is being suspected of conspiring illegal acts.”

Perl said “Even in the case a company is internationally based, a company is not completely owned internationally but if a joint ownership, it is even more difficult to discern whether or not the transaction was legitimate.”

In another sense, as reports suggest that “The U.S. Administration told North Korea $12mn of the $24mn frozen funds appears to be unrelated to North Korea’s illegal actions,” others are cautiously anticipating progress from the six party talks as North Korea’s legitimate funds are released.

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N. Korea Faces Suspicion of Reinsurance Fraud

Tuesday, December 5th, 2006

The Fox News and the Korea Times (both stories below) are reporting that a growing number of insurers and reinsurers are growing suspicious of claims made by the North Korean government.  The story of North Korean insurance claims first emerged in September 2006 when the US started closing down DPRK bank accounts across Asia.  Insurers in these cases, though, were allowed to travel to the DPRK to examine the damage, even to sensitive areas. 

The stories below…

Fox News
North Korea Suspected of Collecting Millions in Reinsurance Fraud
Monday , December 04, 2006
By George Russell

[edited] A growing number of major underwriters around the world strongly suspect that communist dictator Kim Jong-Il’s regime is running an elaborate major insurance and reinsurance scam on them, to the tune of tens of millions of dollars or more.

The alleged fraud involves a wide variety of North Korean industrial and personal calamities where insurers have been presented with perfect government-controlled documentation of accidents, including deaths, along with carefully gathered photographic evidence, all compiled in a startlingly brief time.

That paperwork is coupled with a resistance to letting foreign insurance adjusters examine some of the most crucial physical evidence, except after long delays and under a watchful eye, if at all.

The growing concern in the reinsurance industry is that the property damage being claimed is vastly overstated, and the circumstances of some alleged accidents may have been altered, or that deaths for which insurance payment is claimed may have had nothing to do with the accidents.

The number of apparently ordinary people in the dictatorship who have suddenly been found to have foreign-backed life insurance is raising insurers’ eyebrows.  The chief concern is that only the Kim Jong-Il regime controls the information required to trigger the payments.

According to Michael Payton, a lawyer who represents several of the major insurers, the full extent of the reinsurance claims may involve more than $150 million. U.K. insurers facing these claims have only just begun to talk to each other about the potential scale of their North Korean losses.

North Korean insurance risk is also handled in a wide variety of other Western European markets, and as far away as Russia, India and Indonesia.

So far, there is little attempt to begin discussing the fraud possibilities across those national boundaries.

“I’ve never seen anything like it before,” said Payton, senior partner in the London-based international law firm of Clyde & Co., which specializes in insurance law. “The apparent involvement of the state in every detail of these claims, coupled with the impossibility of obtaining the usual corroborative facts independent of the state, makes these claims unique, in my experience.”

The suspected scam involves the huge international market for reinsurance, in which insurers reduce their risk on every kind of accident, from environmental catastrophes and crop failure to airline and auto crashes, by reselling much of their policy exposure to other syndicates of insurers outside their own countries. Huge sums are routinely covered in reinsurance; globally, the reinsurance market last year was valued at some $1.5 trillion.

One of the world’s most important reinsurance markets is Lloyd’s of London, some of whose syndicates are represented by Clyde & Co. But a number of major players in the global reinsurance market have exposure to North Korean claims.

The reinsurance industry has been badly staggered in recent years by huge claims from storms like Hurricane Katrina and terrorist disasters like the Sept. 11 attacks. In such a huge pool of often-complicated risk deals, North Korean reinsurance claims still represent only a drop in the bucket.

Nonetheless, it is a deeply troubling drop, because even though statistics are difficult if not impossible to come by, reinsurance industry sources believe there has been a recent sharp increase in claims coming out of North Korea.

The central focus of concern is the absolute control of ownership and information in North Korea by Kim Jong-Il and his regime. All North Korean insurance is controlled by one state-owned firm, the Korea National Insurance Corporation (KNIC), formerly known as the Korea Foreign Insurance Company, which in turn purchases reinsurance coverage abroad for risks that it has assumed in its domestic market.

Normally, most domestic insurers will use one, or at most two firms of brokers to obtain reinsurance. KNIC may use many, according to industry sources, and the brokers may well have no idea what business their colleagues are doing, or in what reinsurance markets.

“The North Koreans are extremely clever at spotting the gaps in the market,” an industry source says. “There is no transparency.”

Suspicions in London began to gel in July 2005, when North Korea reported that a medical rescue helicopter had crashed into a government-owned warehouse that authorities said was crammed with disaster relief supplies.

The entire contents of the warehouse, which ran to hundreds of thousands of items, were destroyed, KNIC said, submitting within 10 days a list compiled by the relief center of every single commodity that it said had been lost.

Along with the lengthy list came a reinsurance claim for more than 40 million euros, or almost $50 million at then-current rates, for 95 percent of the damages. The reinsurance was placed through London, but the risk was spread among reinsurers worldwide.

“They provided details including tens of thousands of children’s gloves, handkerchiefs, leather gloves, toilet soap and washing soap, within 10 days,” Payton said. “In the chaos which follows an accident of this kind, that is unheard of.

“A similar loss report in Britain might take months to compile.”

The North Koreans also supplied photos of the devastation, which insurers turned over to leading experts at photographic estimates of fire damage. The experts concluded that the volume of debris remaining within the warehouse, as assessed from the photographs, did not support the high volumes of relief supplies that were claimed to be there before the fire.

“The North Korean claims are supported by meticulous paperwork, something at which the North Koreans excel,” Payton said.

“For example, where death certificates and hospital reports are required, the regime’s attitude is ‘tell us what you want, we’ll give it to you.'”

In the case of a ferry accident that allegedly took place last April, near the coastal city of Wonsan, North Korean authorities declared that 129 people had died aboard the vessel after it struck a rock about 1,000 yards off the Korean coast, and only about 100 yards from an island. All of them, the Koreans claim, had been automatically covered with life insurance when they bought their ferry ticket, and that insurance risk had been passed on to the London market through a common reinsurance product known as “excess loss personal accident reinsurance.” Here the claims from reinsurers totaled about 5 million euros, or roughly $6 million.

The North Koreans claimed that most of the victims had died of hypothermia in the freezing water. Industry sources say that when insurance investigators discovered that weather conditions were warmer than claimed at that time, the North Koreans responded that severe winds were blowing from Siberia in the spring, making the water unusually frigid.

When insurers asked for permission to send an independent diver to inspect the ferry wreck, they were refused.

To get North Korea’s side of the story, FOX News approached the regime’s official insurance representative in London, Song Ryon Ko, at his home. Song refused to discuss the issue and hastily closed his door.

Britain’s Foreign Office says the lack of firm proof of fraud is why it hasn’t taken action on the reinsurance issue, although British diplomats say they are aware of it. But as the British government is trying to put limits on Kim Jong-Il’s nuclear weapons program, the lack of an official British reaction could also be an attempt not to rock the boat, as well as to protect its diplomatic presence in Pyongyang.

Other experts on North Korea who are unaffiliated with the British or U.S. governments are much more willing to take the reinsurance industry’s concerns at face value.

“Anything that might be called white-collar financial crime might be an easy target for the regime,” said Alexander Neill, head of the Asia-Pacific security program at the Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies in London.

“If you look at the Kim family regime or the North Korean regime much more as a criminal organization, but on a state level, I think that’s a better way to look at it. There’s a whole dark underworld of operations which can be undertaken with criminals who are apolitical.”

David Asher, a former senior adviser on East Asian affairs at the U.S. State Department, and coordinator of the Bush administration’s North Korea Working Group, agrees.

While unfamiliar with the current fraud allegations, Asher said he is aware of previous North Korean forgery of insurance policies for its shipping, including fake Lloyd’s of London coverage. “The country will do anything to raise funds,” he said. “They’re not a nation-state, they’re a criminal state.”

Kim Jong-Il’s regime depends on hard currency to maintain its privileged lifestyle and its internal solidarity. Criminal activity is “deep rooted, at every level of government,” Asher said.

Korea Times
12/5/2006
By Jung Sung-ki

The Kim Jong-il regime is suspected of collecting huge amounts of dollars through an international reinsurance fraud, believed to be a new illicit source of hard foreign currency for the impoverished state, a U.S. broadcaster reported Tuesday.

Fox News said a growing number of major underwriters around the world strongly suspect that the regime is running an elaborate major insurance and reinsurance scam on them, to the tune of tens of millions of dollars or more.

The report said the alleged fraud involves a wide variety of North Korean industrial and personal accidents where insurers have been presented with perfect government-compiled documentation of events, including deaths, along with carefully gathered photographic evidence all in a startlingly brief time.

That paperwork is coupled with a resistance to letting foreign insurance adjusters examine some of the most crucial physical evidence, except after long delays and under the state’s watchful eye, if at all, it said.

The report said growing concern in the reinsurance industry is that the property damage being claimed is vastly overstated, and the circumstances of some alleged accidents may have been altered, or that deaths for which insurance payment is claimed may have had nothing to do with the accidents.

The chief concern is that only the Stalinist regime, well-known to be brutal, unscrupulous and desperately short of foreign currency, controls the information required for the payments, it said.

“I’ve never seen anything like it before,” Michael Payton, a lawyer who represents several of the major insurers in the United Kingdom, was quoted as saying by the report. “The apparent involvement of the state in every detail of these claims, coupled with the impossibility of obtaining the usual corroborative facts independent of the state, makes these claims unique, in my experience.”

Payton estimated that the full extent of the reinsurance claims may be up to $150 million, and U.K. insurers facing these claims have only begun to talk to each other about the potential scale of their North Korean losses.

The cash-strapped regime has a worldwide reputation for its criminal dealings in weapons sales, drugs and near-perfect counterfeit U.S. $100 bills.

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Japanese crack down on pro-DPRK Chongryun

Tuesday, December 5th, 2006

Herald Tribune
12/5/2006

Japanese police raid pro-North Korea group over alleged accounting violation

Japanese police raided offices of a pro-North Korean association and later arrested an executive over suspected accounting violations on Tuesday, the latest crackdown as Tokyo intensifies pressure on the reclusive communist regime.

Investigators searched the offices of the Hyogo chamber of commerce affiliated with the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, which acts as Pyongyang’s de facto embassy, prefectural (state) police spokesman Naoki Awazu said.

Awazu said no other details were immediately available.

Police suspect a 36-year-old former senior official at the group’s local business office helped North Korea-affiliated companies and offices evade taxes and provided accounting services without a license, Kyodo News agency reported.

Eitetsu Kawa, a North Korean living in Japan, was later arrested on suspicion of accounting law violations.

Japan has been cracking down on the residents’ association amid concerns about North Korea’s nuclear and chemical weapons programs, but it was not immediately known if Tuesday’s raid was linked.

The reclusive regime angered Japan and other nations when it tested ballistic missiles in July and conducted a nuclear test in October.

Pro-Pyongyang Japanese residents have come under increasing scrutiny by authorities as tensions have escalated with North Korea.

Tokyo was also planning to urge local governments to review preferential property taxes for facilities owned by North Korean organizations to check on how the pro-North association uses its buildings and facilities.

On Tuesday, the North’s state-run Korean Central News Agency protested the recent raids, calling them “an infringement upon the dignity of (North Korea) and a vicious political provocation.”

Last week, police raided the association’s Tokyo headquarters and its offices in the northern Japanese city of Niigata on suspicion that a relative of a group official illegally obtained a small amount medical supplies for shipment to the impoverished country.

In August, Japanese police arrested a pro-North resident in Japan for allegedly exporting to the North machinery that can be used to make biological weapons.

In March, Japanese police raided another pro-North Korea local chamber of commerce in connection with Pyongyang’s abduction of Japanese citizens in the 1970s and 1980s.

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North Korea Makes First Insurance Payout to South

Sunday, November 26th, 2006

Korea Times
11/26/2006

A North Korean insurance company compensated a South Korean firm for a car crash at the joint inter-Korean industrial complex in Kaesong, North Korea, for the first time, reports said yesterday.

A bus belonging to the Kaesong Industrial District Management Committee, which legally belongs to the Stalinist North, and a vehicle of the Korea Land Corp., a state-run company of South Korea, collided at the complex on July 12, according to reports.

The South Korean company had its car repaired in the south, but asked a North Korean insurance company to cover the bill, which was estimated to be around 1.1 million won ($1,160).

After consulting both companies, the North’s insurance company decided the bus driver was responsible for 80 percent of the incident, paying some 840,000 won, which was actually paid in U.S. dollars, to the South Korean company on Sept. 21.

Some 21 South Korean firms operate factories, using cheap but skilled North Korean labor in the complex, which opened in June 2004. The number of North Koreans at the complex exceeded 10,000 last week, according to the Ministry of Unification.

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China unfreezes some DPRK bank accounts

Monday, November 20th, 2006

Yonhap
11/20/2006

China has lifted its freeze on some North Korean accounts in a Macau bank which have allegedly been involved in money laundering and other financial irregularities for Pyongyang, a diplomatic source said Monday.

China ordered its banks to stop engaging in financial dealings with Banco Delta Asia (BDA) in the Chinese territory of Macau, after the U.S. gave its financial institutions similar instructions in September 2005. The sanctions led to the freeze of about US$24 million of the North’s holdings.

Yonhap
11/20/2006 
U.S. does not confirm report of unfrozen N.K. account, reaffirms talks within 6-party context

U.S. officials deferred to Chinese authorities on Monday to confirm whether Beijing has released some of the North Korean accounts frozen for alleged illicit financial activities.

At the same time, they reaffirmed that the U.S. is ready to address the issue at the six-nation nuclear talks when they resume.

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China says oil still goes to the North

Friday, November 17th, 2006

Joong Ang Daily
11/17/2006

China has not cut off oil supplies to North Korea, nor will it stop oil and food assistance to its ally as a means of exerting political pressure, Chinese officials were quoted as telling a group of U.S. scholars.

The Americans in the group also said Wednesday that Chinese officials seemed to have a different understanding from the North Koreans about how U.S. financial sanctions would be dealt with at the next round of six-nation talks.

The Chinese reportedly said they were “surprised” that Pyongyang had told the group it expected those sanctions to be lifted.

Siegfried Hecker, a visiting professor at Stanford University, said he asked Chinese foreign ministry officials if Beijing had cut off heavy fuel oil to North Korea as reported.

“The answer was that China did not cut off heavy fuel oil to North Korea. That’s the direct answer that we received,” he said at a news conference.

Mr. Hecker was part of a four-member delegation that was in Pyongyang Oct. 31-Nov. 4. He is a former director of the Los Alamos National Laboratory, a U.S. nuclear weapons center, and has visited North Korea three times.

The other members of the team were Jack Pritchard, former U.S. point man on North Korea policy and now head of the Korea Economic Institute in Washington, D.C.; Robert Carlin, a former North Korea analyst now at the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization; and John Lewis, a Stanford University professor.

There was speculation that Beijing had ended the fuel aid to the North in September, when Pyongyang showed signs of preparing for its first nuclear test. The aid suspension was believed to be China’s way of pressing its ally to forgo the test.

Mr. Hecker said Chinese officials were clear that Beijing did not and would not stop fuel and food donations, arguing that North Korea would only “grow stronger” if pressured.

The team arrived in North Korea on the day the communist regime, after a year’s boycott, agreed to return to the six-nation nuclear talks that also involve South Korea, the United States, China, Russia and Japan.

Pyongyang left the table to protest punitive measures taken by the U.S. Treasury against Macao’s Banco Delta Asia for allegedly laundering money for the North.

North Korean officials told the American visitors that they expected discussions and a conclusion of the sanctions issue at the next six-party talks, according to Mr. Pritchard.

But Chinese officials, when told of Pyongyang’s position, “expressed some surprise,” Mr. Hecker said.

“They indicated, obviously, differences of opinion as to what was agreed on,” he said.

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Ministry: Workers’ wages at Kaesong go to supplies

Wednesday, November 8th, 2006

Joong Ang Daily
11/8/2006

Amid continued concern that money spent on the Kaesong inter-Korean industrial complex fuels Pyongyang’s military, the Unification Ministry said yesterday that most of the wages paid by South Korean companies buy daily supplies and food for North Korean workers.

Song Yong-deung, 66, a Korean-Australian who operates a Kaesong-based food and supply company jointly owned by North Korea, told the ministry that his company regularly provides goods to North Korean workers, according to a press release from Goh Gyeong-bin, an official in charge of the complex. Song’s company gets money from North Korean authorities, who in turn accept the wage payments from the South Korean companies operating the complex. The North Korean workers do not directly receive their salaries.

According to data provided by Mr. Song and the ministry, South Korean firms pay an average of $600,000 per month in wages, of which about 45 percent is deducted for fees such as insurance and taxes. In March, after the deductions, a total of $295,000 was paid to the North, of which $219,000 went to Mr. Song’s company to purchase goods, such as rice, for the workers.

Unification Ministry officials said yesterday the bulk of the information provided by Mr. Song matched Seoul’s own assessment on how the money sent to the North is being used. Asked why the ministry has not tried in the past two years since the complex opened to verify how the money sent for wages was being used, Yang Chang-seok, a ministry spokesman, said Seoul has repeatedly asked the North to provide a detailed account of the cash flow, but other than stating the workers bought supplies, little information has been provided.

“Given the nature of the North’s closed society, confirmation itself is problematic,” the spokesman said.

The efforts by Seoul to cast a light on the flow of the money being paid to the North comes at a time when Washington is pushing Seoul to curb inter-Korean projects, citing transparency issues over money sent to the North. Over the weekend, President Roh Moo-hyun vowed to continue with inter-Korean projects in a policy speech addressed to the National Assembly. Currently, there are 15 companies operating at the complex employing 9,632 North Koreans.

The announcement came as U.S. delegation visited Seoul this week to discuss how to implement the United Nations sanctions resolution against the North.

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