North Korean Economy Watch

Korea Herald
Ko Kyoung-tae
10/16/2007

South Korean experts yesterday called on the government to develop Haeju, a North Korean port which South and North Korean leaders recently agreed to develop as a special zone, into a business hub covering a wide array of industries, from fisheries to manufacturing.

Jeong Hyung-gon, an economist at the Korea Institute for International Economic Policy, recommended in a seminar yesterday that the special zone of Haeju should be transformed into a comprehensive economic zone so as to expand inter-Korean economic ties.

He cited several Chinese free economic zones as good models for the joint-development project. “It should be developed like Shenzhen or Dongguan,” Jeong said.

These two coastal cities have been locomotives of China’s red-hot economic growth since the Beijing administration opened them to the global economy in the late 1970s.

Jeong’s speech implies that North Korea should also substantially open Haeju to foreign investors, including South Korean companies.

South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun and North Korean leader Kim Jong-il recently agreed to transform this harbor city into another joint industrial complex.

A special peace zone will be set up along the coast of Haeju, with the purpose of developing joint fisheries and establishing a new economic zone.

The city is geographically advantageous to South Korean manufacturers because it is close to Incheon Port, the nation’s second-largest harbor.

“The Haeju project and Gaeseong Industrial Complex should be complementary to each other,” Jeong said.

But he cautioned that Seoul and Pyongyang should settle their dispute over the Northern Limit Line in the West Sea, in order to effectively operate the Haeju special zone.

The sea border was unilaterally drawn by the U.N. forces at the end of the 1950-53 Korean War, but there has been no legal agreement on the demarcation between the two Koreas.

This has caused frequent military and diplomatic conflicts, including two deadly naval clashes in the West Sea, and has been a major obstacle to co-developing Haeju.

Korea Times
Andrei Lankov
10/14/2007

When I was looking at the narrow and shallow Tumen River which delineates the eastern part of border between China and Korea, I can not help but think that this area is very conducive for smuggling.

Indeed, the river can be waded over at many spots, the area is sparsely populated (by the Chinese standard, that is), the border is almost unguarded from the Chinese side and a large number of the locals have families on the other side of the border.

Indeed the area is frequented by North Korean traders, who until few years ago were mostly illegal border-crossers, essentially smugglers. In most cases they did not cross the river by stealth, hiding under the cover of darkness, but preferred to bribe the border guards instead.

North Korea is a very corrupt place these days, so the guards are ready to receive a hundred dollars, an equivalent of their small annual salaries, from a professional smuggler and then allow him or her to move bulky merchandise almost openly.

From around 2003 North Koreans could also apply for special permission, which allows them to visit China regularly and come back with merchandise. Only people with politically sound background are issued such permits, and in most cases the procedure includes heavy bribing.

Nonetheless, legal travel has become possible. On the other hand, all ethnic Korean residents of the Yanbian Autonomous Prefecture, an ethnic home of Chinese Koreans, can visit North Korea. There are no problems with obtaining a special travel pass from the Chinese authorities even it involves some payments (official, in this case).

In most cases the travel is of purely commercial nature: the visitors bring with them sacks of merchandise. Needless to say, customs officials expect their fair share of both legal fees and bribes. A local Korean, who occasionally goes to visit his relatives, described his usual experience.

“They are so greedy. Officials take bribes in China, too. But perhaps nowhere in the world are the officials so hungry for bribes as they are in North Korea. At the customs, they slowly go through the luggage and sometimes put aside a few things they like, and then they say that those things are not allowed into North Korea.

This is the hint, and I have no choice but to tell them to take those things, some dress or small items. And it is a tradition that everybody who checks you should be given some foreign cigarettes. Last time I took five cartons of cigarettes with me, and only one reached my relatives.

All others I had to give away to the officials.” A particular role is played by the so-called “chogyo,” those North Korean citizens, who permanently reside in China. This is a small group, numbering from 5,000-10,000 people, but their economic and social role is out of proportion to their modest numbers.

Their unusual legal standing allows movement between China and North Korea almost at will, and this means that they have great opportunities for very profitable trade. In the past, chogyo were often feared and distrusted since they were widely believed to be North Korean espionage agents.

This might have been the case, since their families in North Korea were indeed hostages to the Pyongyang authorities. Nowadays, however, these people came to understand that they are unlikely to earn much by serving as loyal soldiers of the “Dear Leader,” and switched to business instead.

They still are said to maintain special relations with North Korean secret agencies, but these agencies are also being increasingly driven by profit-seeking. A similar group, known as “hwagyo,” consists of Chinese citizens who are allowed to live permanently in North Korea.

The hwagyo also number just a few thousands, and in North Korea they enjoy a number of privileges, including the right to go overseas with relative ease. Nowadays, as my interlocutors never fail to stress, the hwagyo have become the most prosperous social group in North Korea.

From the Chinese side, the consumption goods are largely sold. The trade items include home appliances, footwear and garments. Used fridges are often sold, being seen in North Korea as an important status symbol. The VCRs and DVD players are also highly demanded, as well as tapes and DVDs of South Korean movies, dramas and shows.

Such items are prohibited, but bribes and ingenuity help to smuggle the subversive material across the border. The North Korean traders sell a rather limited number of items, since North Korea is not capable of producing a large array of products. The North Korean private export seems to be dominated by seafood. Dried squid, pollack and the like sell well in landlocked parts of China.

Some traders dare to deal in more dangerous items, such as gold or antiquities, secretly (and illegally) dug up by North Korean grave robbers. The recent decade was a time when capitalism began to spread to the North, and most of the capital, ideas and markets which made this quiet transformation possible, came from China.

In a sense, the North Korean grassroots capitalism of black markets, old trucks, female traders with huge and unwieldy sacks on their back was conceived in China, in the vast mountainous areas of Yanbian or on the plains of Southern Manchuria which stretch along the Yalu.

Yonhap
10/10/2007

The Unification Ministry has dropped the words “reform and openness” to describe the South Korea-invested industrial park in the North’s border town of Kaesong from its Web site in an apparent bid not to provoke the North.

North Korean leader Kim Jong-il complained in the second-ever inter-Korean summit in Pyongyang last week that South Korea has been using the Kaesong industrial park as a scheme to force reform and openness in the communist North, whereas Pyongyang had gained little from the inter-Korean economic cooperation project.

President Roh Moo-hyun responded by saying in the North Korean capital that North Korea should not be described as a subject of reform and openness.

Europen Business Association
October 2007

18 European companies are participating at the European booth organized by the European Business Association (EBA) in Pyongyang. This has been the largest ever participation of European companies at a Trade Fair in Pyongyang. The 18 EBA-member companies come from 6 European countries and are engaged in banking, IT, pharmaceuticals, maritime transportation, railways, courier services, industry, mining, solar driven water pumps, energy saving technology, commodity inspection, cosmetics and other consumer goods and general trading. Some already operate in joint ventures with Korean partners or found other forms of close business cooperation, particularly in the fields of banking, mining, internet services, logistics, software development and pharmaceuticals.

The EBA will continue to make efforts to attract more European companies to invest and do business in the DPRK in the coming years and will share its experience to help make the endeavors of the newcomers and their Korean partners a success. The EBA closely cooperates with the DPRK Chamber of Commerce and the Korea International Exhibition Corporation to facilitate the participation at exhibitions, to intensify trade between European and DPRK-enterprises and to enhance the identification of suitable business and investment opportunities for European companies.

Pictures of the European booth will be published on http://www.eba-pyongyang.org/
Felix Abt, President
Dr. Barbara Unterbeck, PR-manager
European Business Association
President´s Office
Chang Gwang Foreign Residential and Office Building
10th Floor, No. 10-2
Central District
Pyongyang
The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
http://www.eba-pyongyang.org/

Joong Ang Daily
Limb Jae-un
10/8/2007

Days after both Koreas vowed to heighten cooperation, a lawmaker said yesterday in a report that the Kaesong Industrial Complex, the experimental site combining South Korean technology and North Korean labor, has been unprofitable so far.

In addition, the Ministry of Construction and Transportation said in a report yesterday that repairs to the airport on Mount Paektu will cost 280 billion won, or $304 million.

One of the agreements signed at the inter-Korean summit Thursday calls for allowing South Korean tourists to visit the scenic mountain on the Korea-China border.

“In terms of the runway length, Samjiyon Airport can accommodate large airplanes, such as a Boeing 747, but the condition of the airport is bad,” said an official of the construction ministry, who asked for anonymity. The airport, located on a plateau 1,000 meters, or 3,280 feet, above sea level, needs advanced navigation facilities, he said.

Despite the optimistic discussions during last week’s summit, inter-Korean economic cooperation has so far had dismal results, according to a report from Grand National Party Representative Lee Han-koo. Thirteen out of 16 companies operating at the Kaesong Industrial Complex are currently in the red, he said. Their debt is four times higher than their assets, he said. The combined assets of the 16 companies is only 4.5 billion won and their average annual sales is 790 million won.

“The biggest problem of the economic cooperation is that the relevant information has been held back from the public,” Lee said.

Meanwhile, a top European official said North Korea must go through serious reforms to become a viable investment destination for Europe.

North Korea is unattractive for Europe because “the conditions for investment are not safe enough and the regulatory environment is not predictable,” Guenter Verheugen, the EU Industry and Enterprise Commissioner, said in an interview with The Associated Press on Saturday.

Joong Ang Daily
Jo Dong-ho
10/9/2007

The summit meeting was quite successful. Some say it was because North Korea’s nuclear program was not on the agenda. Relinquishing its nuclear ambitions is the North’s card for normalizing ties with the United States and receiving rewards.

Costs cannot worry us either, because South Korea’s economy has grown so much that we can now pave a road even for a village on a remote mountain. If the size of government projects for culture cities or innovation cities were reduced, we would have trillions won, or billions more dollars, available.

As an economist, I would like to focus on roles of the government and the market discussed in the summit meeting. The ultimate question of economics can be summarized as how the market and the government will divide their roles to get maximum benefits out of limited resources.

The economics of past 200 years concludes that the best way is for the private sector to make independent decisions in economic activities and for the government to manage the rules so that those activities will be carried out fairly and smoothly. This can be likened to the relationship between players and referees in a sporting event.

The same principle applies to economic cooperation between South and North Korea.

Easing military tension, which will reduce the risk of investing in North Korea, is something that only the government can do. Repairing railways and roads is also the responsibility of the government. To improve transportation, communication and customs are the same. The private sector cannot do those jobs on its own.

However, building a shipyard or developing tourism on Mount Baekdu is for the private sector to carry out. But as these projects were agreed upon in the summit meeting, they must be carried out without feasibility studies. These projects were being discussed even before the summit meeting.

Private companies have been interested in them for years, but they have not made the decision to pursue them for many reasons, including low profits. Now the leaders of the two Koreas have made an agreement so these projects must be carried out. North Korea will probably make more unreasonable demands. The South Korean government will have to provide subsidies, and that will increase the burden on the South Korean people.

Some may find it disturbing that I criticize a few projects when there were many other good agreements reached. But these projects show the South Korean government’s basic view on economic cooperation with the North.

In fact, in all the projects agreed upon, there is a vague guideline for the division of roles between the government and the market. The same is true with the agreement to complete the first step of construction at the Kaesong Industrial Complex earlier than planned and to start the second step. The Hyundai Asan Corporation and the Korea Land Corporation are the ones doing the industrial park project, not the government.

These companies have their reasons for managing the industrial park project in its first stages. The government cannot and should not agree to implement the project at a faster speed. After North Korea tested its nuclear bomb, there was pressure to halt that project. Then the government said it could not intervene because it was led by the private sector. But the government has now agreed to complete it at an earlier date.

Some maintain that these agreements will improve inter-Korean relations so there is no use in dividing the government and the market. But it is more important that economic cooperation between South and North Korea improves properly than quickly. Let’s say the improvement of economic cooperation between South and North Korea is of the utmost value so the government can lead economic projects. But there must be good reasons for the government to intervene in the market.

The government has said until now that it supported economic co-operation with the North in an attempt to induce North Korea to open its doors and reform its economy. But that no longer sounds like enough. When providing assistance, the supporter must make sure that the party that receives assistance tries to stand on its own. But the president said we should not mention this in the summit meeting.

Six months ago, at an event for businessmen in the fisheries industry, the president said the government would provide support if need be, but what is most important is their own will and efforts.

One of President Roh’s strengths is that he is not afraid to say what he needs to say. That he could not say what he had to say to Kim Jong-il is what is most regrettable about the meeting.

Daily NK
Kim Min Se
10/9/2007

Recently, it has been made known that sealed or closed-off rooms in up-scale restaurants and popular “karaokes” in North Korean provincial cities have been removed.

Since 2000, sex trafficking has rapidly increased at inns, saunas, spas, and karaoke bars in large provincial cities such as Shinuiju, Chongjin, and Hamheung.

In particular, corrupt businesses such as massage parlors and steam baths with the purpose of sex trafficking have proliferated, increasing incidents of solicitations in front of large-city stations and metaphoric advertisements, such as “flower” and “bed sales.”

Good Friends has released on the September Newsletter that after creating rooms in the basement of a restaurant in Wonsan, Kangwon Province and organizing young girls for prostitution and the owner of the restaurant and affiliates received maximum punishment such as the death penalty for forcing sexual trafficking.

After inspections and punishment, an inside source relayed that an order came down preventing operations of illicit rooms by karaoke and entertainment venues. Karaokes removed entrance and exit doors and restaurants enforced the opening of doors of each room. Due to such management, the number of guests has greatly decreased.

North Korean businessman Mr. Park, who is residing in Dandong, China, said in a phone conversation with DailyNK, “Most sealed or closed-off rooms in restaurants or karaoke bars of large provincial cities such as Shinuiju and Hamheung have mostly disappeared.”

Mr. Park said, “I would often use sealed rooms because I could talk about business and entertain guests while not worrying about the eyes of others. However, recently, the government gave an order to get rid of these rooms due to prostitution.”

Further, he said, “Field security agents are checking up on internal facilities by making rounds at restaurants and karaokes. If sealed-off or blocked-off rooms are still reported, the business has to be shut down and the owner is taken to the Security Agency.”

He said, “People who have money nowadays seek out upper-scale restaurants for sharing important businesses. The presence of female entertainers elevates the atmosphere, but in some cases, the women are forced to ‘serve’ them.”

However, Mr. Park said, “Even if the government gets rid of sealed rooms and dividers, it is difficult to remove the root of the problem because women want to continue making money, and such “popular” spots have already become established as a means of doing so.

Mr. Park also said, “In Shinuiju alone, sex trafficking is known to have spread significantly. Women who are sold have separately rented rooms and receive 10,000 won ($3.30) per night.”

A Chinese businessman Lio Jilong confirmed these details. He, who frequents Shinuiju for trade with North Korea, said, “Even when I went to Shinuiju at the end of August, restaurants with special (sealed-off) rooms and dividers were common, but they have all disappeared by now.”

He also expressed discontent, “With the exception of restaurants and karaokes, there are no places where one can discuss business; other restaurants have been harmed by prostitution in Chosun (North Korea).”

The North Korean government sent “first-offender” women engaging in prostitution to a “labor detention facility” for six months at the discretion of the security agency and “repeat-offenders” were punished to the second-degree by being sentenced to over a year.

Korea Times
Ryu Jin
10/8/2007

South Korean tourists might be able to visit Mt. Baekdu in North Korea from as early as April next year, as the top leaders from the two Koreas agreed to open a direct air route between Seoul and the auspicious mountain in their summit last week.

Hyundai Group is considering a comprehensive tour program that links Mt. Geumgang, Gaeseong City and Mt. Baekdu, even including Pyongyang, to attract more South Korean tourists, according to the company Monday.

Group Chairwoman Hyun Jeong-eun plans to visit the North Korean capital along with Hyundai Asan CEO Yoon Man-joon as early as this month for consultations of the cross-border businesses with North Koreans, a Hyundai Asan spokesman said.

“A variety of ideas are being considered for the new tour programs,’’ said the spokesman, who asked not to be named. “We cannot tell the exact time for the launch. But we are trying to get the new tour programs started as early as possible.’’

Mt. Baekdu, seated at the northern tip of the Korean Peninsula, has been a symbol of national spirit and unification along with Mt. Halla on South Korea’s southern resort island of Jeju. “From Baekdu to Halla’’ is how many people describe their fatherland.

Now on the borderline between North Korea and China, the auspicious mountain has been shared by the two states in modern times. Some 100,000 South Koreans visit what the Chinese people call “Mt. Changbai’’ every year from the Chinese side.

Industry sources expect that, once the direct tour route is developed, people could enjoy the grandiose scenery of the mountain, including the Cheongun Rocks and Baekdu Falls, which are said to be more spectacular than the Changbai Falls.

But travelers and experts say that a tour to the 2,744-meter mountain is possible only between May and September because of precarious weather conditions. On only a few days could the climbers clearly see Cheonji, a large caldera lake on top of the mountain.

“I hope that the tour program is launched as early as possible,’’ Hyun, who accompanied President Roh Moo-hyun to the summit in Pyongyang, told reporters on her way back home. “I heard that it is possible to climb the mountain in April.’’

Hyundai Asan, a Hyundai Group affiliate that operates various cross-border businesses, expects the direct air route to cut the travel time drastically from nine hours needed for trip via China to 1-2 hours, not to mention the reductions in travel expenses.

“Domestic travel agencies sell five-day tour programs to Mt. Baekdu, or Changbai, via China for prices from 800,000 won ($874) to two million won ($2,185),’’ a private tour agency said. “A direct tour would cut the travel expenses by almost half.’’

However, Hyundai Asan admitted that there are a number of tasks to be done before the launch of the direct tour program, including the establishment of infrastructure such as an airport, hotels and other facilities for travelers.

Billions of won would be required to develop the Samjiyeon Airport, the nearest airport from Mt. Baekdu, according to recent surveys.

Hyundai Asan will dispatch an on-site inspection team to the area next month to check the accommodation capacity and other necessary facilities. It has already given five billion won to North Korea for the arrangements of the airport.

Choson Ilbo
Song Hee-young
10/8/2007

One of the facts confirmed in the second inter-Korean summit is that North Korea is willing to push ahead with an open economic policy. Though he is reportedly averse to the terms of reform and opening, North Korean leader Kim Jong-il agreed to add Haeju, Nampo, Anbyeon and Mt. Baekdu as open areas, along with Mt. Kumgang and the Kaesong Industrial Complex. He also permitted opening infrastructure like railroads and ports.

Slow as it is, the direction of the flow can be confirmed. It resembles China’s early opening stage from the late 1970s to early 1980s when Deng Xioaping first pushed his reform policies.

Considering the pace, outsiders were pessimistic about reform in China then, and they predicted failure for companies that invested there. By the 1990s, however, it was clear that tremendous changes had taken place.

Korean entrepreneurs doing business in Kaesong and Mt. Gumgang believe that the North won’t move backwards now. Projects in those areas continued unhindered even during the nuclear test crisis, they point out. Unlike in the past, minor problems are eventually resolved through dialogue, albeit slowly, they testify.

“Now the North Koreans know the taste of money,” one businessman said, and they have begun to feel the fever for making more. A primitive sort of capitalist consciousness is growing, he said, and North Koreans are beginning to realize that making profits through a steady business is better than hoping for a windfall from the millions in aid money the Kim Dae-jung administration donated to the regime.

Having suffered through the Korean War, armed commando raids, naval skirmishes off the western coast and the nuclear crises, many South Koreans might dismiss the changes. Businessmen who were forced to hand over computers and fax machines as “entrance fees” or “meeting charges” when they visited Pyongyang may insist that nothing will change unless the regime is replaced.

But Mao Zedong’s Red Guards were also never expected to change, but they emerged as major Wall Street investors in three decades. If they truly feel the taste of money, there is no reason why the generations that follow Kim Jong-il will not change.

Now that we’ve seen the signs of such change, however small, we have to transform our formula for investing in the North. The government, above all, has to abandon its stance of controlling, coordinating and managing cross-border investment. The time has come to trust our businessmen. There should be no special treatment simply because the counterpart is North Korea; instead the government should leave investment in the North up to the investors, as it does with Vietnam and Africa.

Our corporations have had plenty of experience in the North. Daewoo, Hyundai, the Peace Motors Corp. owned by the Unification Church, and not a small number of small- and medium-sized firms have invested across the border. Many have come back with bitter tales, but now they can distinguish promising projects from dubious ones. They have paid their tuition.

What’s more, South Korean entrepreneurs have accumulated experience in making money in other dictatorial socialist countries, such as China, Russia and Eastern European nations, accessing the top leaders and breaking through bureaucratic barriers. In dealing with communists, businessmen can be far more competitive than public servants.

Nevertheless, the government requires advance notification when any South Korean company wants to contact North Korea, and the Unification Ministry and National Intelligence Service often get involved with even the smallest details. As it is now, North Korea asks our government what it can request from our businesses and the president had to be accompanied by a group of conglomerate heads when he visited Pyongyang.

Businesses that are forced to deal with our close-minded public servants in addition to the North Korean regime are liable to abandon cross-border plans altogether, especially when profitability is questionable. This is why the larger businesses have in many cases been the most reluctant to invest in the North.

Now that the opening of North Korea at last seems certain, it’s time that we adopted the same formula that succeeded in China. It was our businessmen who rushed into China first, and they contributed toward reconciliation and establishment of diplomatic ties between the two countries. We went through the same procedures in Russia and Vietnam.

The idea that the government should be the one to build industrial parks and conduct business and wage negotiations in North Korea is outmoded. When it comes to investing across the border, the government’s job should be to guarantee business freedoms. Then the investors should be left to negotiate with the regime and work out how to make money.

Version 5: Download it here (on Google Earth) 

This map covers North Korea’s agriculture, aviation, cultural locations, manufacturing facilities, railroad, energy infrastructure, politics, sports venues, military establishments, religious facilities, leisure destinations, and national parks. It is continually expanding and undergoing revisions. This is the fifth version.

Additions to the latest version of “North Korea Uncovered” include updates to new Google Earth overlays of Sinchon, UNESCO sites, Railroads, canals, and the DMZ, in addition to Kim Jong Suk college of eduation (Hyesan), a huge expansion of the electricity grid (with a little help from Martyn Williams) plus a few more parks, antiaircraft sites, dams, mines, canals, etc.

Disclaimer: I cannot vouch for the authenticity of many locations since I have not seen or been to them, but great efforts have been made to check for authenticity. These efforts include pouring over books, maps, conducting interviews, and keeping up with other peoples’ discoveries. In many cases, I have posted sources, though not for all. This is a thorough compilation of lots of material, but I will leave it up to the reader to make up their own minds as to what they see. I cannot catch everything and I welcome contributions.

I hope this map will increase interest in North Korea. There is still plenty more to learn, and I look forward to receiving your additions to this project.