Paul Tija on outsourcing in the DPRK

August 23rd, 2012

Paul Tjia of GPI Consulting has written an article in the August issue of the American magazine Communications of the ACM on outsourcing in the DPRK. Here is a link to the article (PDF):

Inside the hermit Kingdom: It and Outsourcing in north Korea

Here is a blurb from Mr. Tjia:

Somewhat unexpectedly, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has a sizeable IT sector. Some 10,000 professionals work in the field, and many more have IT degrees. They are already engaged in outsourcing contracts for other countries, and keen to expand further.

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Jang Song-thaek visits China

August 23rd, 2012

UPDATE 13 (2012-8-23): The Institute for Far Eastern Studies reports on Jang’s visit to China:

Jang Song Thaek’s Visit to China: Outcomes and Limitations
Jang Song Thaek, vice chairman of National Defence Commission of North Korea recently visited China and is raising many speculations about the outcome of the visit.

From August 13, Jang led 50 North Korean delegations to China, including high ranking officials such as Ri Kwang Gun, the chairman of the joint venture investment committee, Ri Su Yong, the former chairman of the same committee, and Kim Hyung-jun, deputy foreign minister. Together with the Chinese officials, Jang visited Rajin-Sonbong (Rason) special economic zone, and Hwanggumpyong and Wiwha Islands, and discussed the issues of expanding economic cooperation with China.

Jang attended a meeting with China’s Minister of Commerce Chen Deming, titled the Third Meeting of the DPRK-China Joint Steering Committee for the Development of Hwanggumpyong and Rason Districts. In addition to the meeting, Jang visited Jilin and Liaoning Provinces, asking for China’s active assistance and investment in these areas.

Jang also met with Wang Jiarui, head of the International Department of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee, President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiaobao in Beijing to discuss the future economic cooperation between the two nations and to request for China’s further economic assistance.

North Korea was successful in obtaining positive response from China, promising to help the economic development of North Korea. China has agreed to provide electricity and other necessary infrastructures, including roads and communication network, to push forward with the joint development of Hwanggumpyong and Rason.

However, it is still unclear whether Jang’s visit to China will lead to actual revitalization of bilateral economic cooperation. Chinese companies are still cautious about investing in North Korea with its inadequate infrastructures and legal framework and volatile political situations posing as risks to their investments. Other than labor force export, natural resources development and agricultural and fishery product trades, there is yet to be other model for successful economic cooperation.

Chinese companies consistently argued investment in North Korea can be viable only under the condition that government guarantees or other safety mechanisms are provided to protect the investments of the Chinese companies.

However, in the recent agreement signed by Jang Song Thaek and Chen Deming, two sides have agreed to abide by the principle of development cooperation, to be “led by the governments, based on enterprises, and to achieve mutual benefit and win-win through market operation.” Thus, Chinese government has expressed its intentions to not provide government guarantees for the investments and North Korea has not put forth appropriate policy to soothe the apprehensions of the investors.

Moreover, there are more hurdles to be overcome in Rason and Hwanggumpyong development. Although China gains access to the East Sea through Rason, serving as an important logistics and manufacturing hub in the Northeast Asia reaching South Korea, Russia, and Japan, still no major investment is seen in the area due to the poor industrial infrastructures and basic industries.

Hwanggumpyong and Wihwa Islands are also faced with challenges of its own. Geographically it sits in close proximity to Dandong, in the Chinese territory and while North Korea is pursuing for joint development in the area, China is still passive in the development of this area. This area also frequently fall victim to severe flooding, costly in repairs and maintenance.

China is likely to continue to support North Korea’s economic revitalization efforts and the security of its regime. For North Korea, direct aid is limited and economic cooperation is the most effective option for economic recovery but until it fully accepts the international norm and open up to the outside world, it will be difficult to achieve full economic revitalization.

UPDATE 12 (2012-8-22): Marcus Noland comments on the visit and the agreement here.

UPDATE 11 (2012-8-20): The Choson Ilbo reports that Jang received no official support from Beijing as a result of the visit:

Jang left without receiving any pledges of material support from Beijing, a high-ranking government official here said on Sunday.

Asked about a reported request for US$1 billion in loans from China, the official said, “I have yet to hear of any economic support from China to North Korea, whether it involves $1 billion or $1 dollar. China stressed market principles to Jang.”

UPDATE 10 (2012-8-18): The Hankyoreh reports on a number of investment deals that were inked between the DPRK and Chinese enterprises:

The success of the zones’ development is crucial for North Korea in its current push for economic reforms and improvements to living conditions. This accords with Beijing’s strategy of leading Pyongyang into a gradual normalization through reforms and openness, with an eye to eventually resolving its nuclear program issue.

Another positive signal for Pyongyang is the string of Rason investment declarations by large Chinese corporations following Jang’s visit.

The Yatai Group, a major construction and real estate conglomerate, signed a contract with the Rason people’s committee to develop a construction materials complex in the city. On Friday, the large state-owned Ludi Group announced it would also be investing in Rason. Its director, Zhang Yuliang, announced in an interview with the People’s Daily website people.com.cn that his company would be taking on the construction of basic facilities at Rason, including a power grid.

UPDATE 9 (2012-8-18): Xinhua reports on Wen’s meeting with Jang:

Jang is in China for the third meeting of the joint steering committee for developing and managing the Rason Economic and Trade Zone and the Hwanggumphyong and Wihwa Islands Economic Zone.

Wen said both sides should give priority in developing and managing the zones as well as implement the consensus reached by the joint steering committee.

The premier said the two governments should strengthen the leadership and planning of the cooperation on the zones, improving laws and regulations; encourage relevant regions for active participation with close coordination; and let the market play its role creating favorable conditions for land and tax.

He called on the committee to encourage businesses to invest in the zones and help enterprises solve their problems, and improve customs and quality inspection services to help with bilateral cooperation.

UPDATE 8 (2012-8-18): Reuters reports on Jang’s visit with Wen Jiabao.

Premier Wen Jiabao encouraged North Korea to allow “market mechanisms” help revamp its economy, state media said on Saturday, and laid down other pre-conditions as China tries to wean its impoverished ally off its dependence on Chinese aid.

As well as allowing freer rein to market forces, the Chinese premier also recommended Pyongyang encourage economic growth by improving laws and regulations, encouraging business investment and reforming its customs services.

China’s President Hu Jintao also met Jang in a clear show of support for the North and its new leadership. Jang is seen as the driving force behind reforms that the isolated and destitute North is believed to be trying and for which it desperately needs Chinese backing.

So far North Korea has received around $300 million in non-financial direct investment from about 100 Chinese companies, mainly in the food, medicine, electronics, mining, light industry, chemicals and textile sectors.

China’s exports to North Korea rose 20.6 percent last year to $2.28 billion from 2010, while imports plunged 81.4 percent to $147.4 million, according to Chinese customs figures.

Those numbers are dwarfed by trade with South Korea, China’s third-largest trading partner.

UPDATE 7 (2012-8-17):

Hu Jintao Receives DPRK Delegation
Beijing, August 17 (KCNA correspondent) — President Hu Jintao, general secretary of the C.C., the Communist Party of China, met the delegation of the DPRK-China Joint Guidance Committee led by Department Director of the C.C., the Workers’ Party of Korea Jang Song Thaek who paid a courtesy call on him at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Friday. The delegation took part in the third meeting of the DPRK-China Joint Guidance Committee for the joint development and management of the Rason Economic Trade Zone and Hwanggumphyong and Wihwado Economic Zones.

Jang Song Thaek conveyed greetings of the dear respected Kim Jong Un to Hu Jintao.

Expressing deep thanks for this, Hu Jintao requested Jang Song Thaek to convey his warm greetings and sincere congratulations to Kim Jong Un.

Hu Jintao, on behalf of the party, government and people of China, expressed sincere sympathy and consolation over the recent flood that hit the DPRK, causing huge damage.

He hoped that the Korean people would eradicate the aftermath of the disaster and bring the living of the people in the afflicted areas to normal as soon as possible under the leadership of First Secretary Kim Jong Un.

Noting that China and the DPRK are friendly neighbors linked by the same mountain and rivers, he said that the policy of the Chinese party and government to attach importance to and develop the China-DPRK friendship from the strategic viewpoint and on long-term basis would remain unchanged in the future, too.

He expressed his willingness to strengthen the high-ranking visits, cooperation in various fields and the exchange of views on international and regional problems and upgrade the bilateral relations to a new level as agreed by both sides.

He was rejoiced over the fact that the development of the two economic zones has entered a practical phase thanks to the common efforts, wishing that a good example of economic cooperation would be set.

The Chinese party and government support the Korean comrades following the road of development suited to their actual conditions and wish them greater success in their efforts to build a thriving nation under the leadership of First Secretary Kim Jong Un, he said.

The talk proceeded in a comradely and friendly atmosphere.

Present there were members of the DPRK-China Joint Guidance Committee, Ji Jae Ryong, DPRK ambassador to China, Chen Deming, minister of Commerce of China, Wang Jiarui, head of the International Liaison Department of the C.C., the CPC, Zhang Ping, head of the National Development and Reform Committee, Shi Xuren, minister of Finance, Wang Min, secretary of the Liaoning Provincial Committee of the CPC, Sun Zhengcai, secretary of the Jilin Provincial Committee of the CPC, Zhang Zhijun, executive vice-minister of Foreign Affairs, Chen Jian, vice-minister of Commerce, and Liu Hongcai, Chinese ambassador to the DPRK.

UPDATE 6 (2012-8-16): Xinhua reports on the visit:

The Rason Economic and Trade Zone will focus on the development of raw materials, equipment, high-tech products, light industry, the service sector and modern agriculture, the MOC said after the meeting.

It will gradually become an advanced manufacturing base, as well as an international logistics center and regional tourism center for northeast Asia.

The Hwanggumphyong and Wihwa Islands Economic Zone will focus on the development of the information industry, tourism, modern agriculture and garment manufacturing, the ministry said.

The DPRK passed and promulgated the Law for the Rason Economic and Trade Zone and Law for the Hwanggumphyong and Wihwa Islands Economic Zone in December 2011, Shen said.

“Construction on the two economic zones has entered the stage of introducing enterprises to invest in the zones,” he said.

The two sides will continue to make joint efforts to make laws and regulations, make detailed preferential policies, improve construction planning inside the zones and attract companies to invest in the zones.

“Both sides will make full use of their respective advantages and build the zones into models of China-DPRK economic and trade cooperation and platforms for economic and trade cooperation with the rest of the world,” Shen said.

The MOC said Tuesday that China and the DPRK will continue to follow the principle of “government-guided, enterprise-based, market-oriented and mutually beneficial” cooperation in developing the two economic zones.

The meeting was jointly presided over by Minister of Commerce Chen Deming and Jang Song Taek, chief of the central administrative department of the Korean Workers’ Party.

UPDATE 5 (2012-8-16):

Chinese Officials Vow to Make All Efforts to Implement DPRK-China Agreed Points
Pyongyang, August 16 (KCNA) — The delegation of the DPRK-China Joint Guidance Committee sojourned in Jilin and Liaoning Provinces, China on Tuesday and Wednesday.

Department Director of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea Jang Song Thaek, head of the delegation of the DPRK-China Joint Guidance Committee, met and had friendly talks with Sun Zhengcai, secretary of the Jilin Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China, in Changchun City and Wang Min, secretary of the Liaoning Provincial Committee of the CPC, in Shenyang.

Sun Zhengcai extended congratulations to the successful third meeting of the above-said committee.

He said that Jilin Province is a significant place featured by historic relics on President Kim Il Sung and leader Kim Jong Il, recollecting with deep emotion the days when he was received by Kim Jong Il who visited the province in 2010.

The Jilin Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China and the Jilin Provincial People’s Government will make efforts to implement the points agreed at the third meeting of the China-DPRK Joint Guidance Committee, he concluded.

Wang Min said he was pleased with the achievements made by the Korean people in building a thriving socialist nation under the leadership of the dear respected Kim Jong Un.

He underscored the need to contribute to boosting the traditional Sino-DPRK friendly relations provided by the leaders of the elder generations of the two countries by stepping up the joint development of the Hwanggumphyong and Wihwado Economic Zones.

UPDATE 4 (2012-8-15): The Associated Press reports on the meetings:

The ministry said the two sides signed a number of cooperation agreements related to their development of the two special economic zones: Rason on the Korean Peninsula’s northern tip and Hwanggumphyong, an island in the Yalu River that marks their border to the southwest.

It said plans for Rason would see it becoming a manufacturing base, logistics center and tourism hub, though the new agreements were still primarily focused on basic infrastructure, such as a plan to transmit electricity directly to the zone overland from China.

The Hwanggumphyong zone will focus on information technology, tourism, agriculture and garment manufacturing, it said.

Rason has recently begun to develop thanks to Chinese infrastructure projects, but Hwanggumphyong has languished since ground was broken last year.

The China Daily said in an editorial Wednesday that Chinese investment in the zones would help North Korea’s battered economy and improve stability on the Korean peninsula.

“The DPRK is in urgent need of capital to help revitalize its waning economy,” the paper said. “It can be expected that as a result of the agreements, Chinese investment in the special economic zones of the DPRK will increase rapidly.”

It noted that bilateral trade last year was $5.7 billion, up from $3.5 billion in 2010.

UPDATE 3 (2012-8-14): Ri Chol was among the group of DPRK leaders traveling to Beijing.

UPDATE 2 (2012-8-14): The Daily NK reports on Jang’s trip to China:

The level of popular interest in Jang’s visit is a reflection of two things: first, his relative importance in the North Korean power structure, and second, the fact that he is the highest North Korean official to visit Beijing since the official launch of the Kim Jong Eun regime late last year. Both these facts serve to make it highly likely that the remit of the trip extends quite a long way past the economic agenda cited by KCNA, presumably to encompass political and military concerns as well.

According to one diplomatic source in Seoul, “Kim Jong Eun quite possibly assumes that China harbors some anxiety about his newly launched system. Jang will probably explain the recent purging of former Chief-of-Staff Lee Young Ho, since this only made China more concerned.”

Sohn Gwang Joo, a senior researcher with the Gyeonggi Research Institute, went further, declaring, “The main reason behind Jang’s trip to China is to emphasize that ‘Chosun-China friendship transcends generations’, and that without the political, economic and military support that comes from that friendship, the Kim Jong Eun system cannot be maintained.”

“When Jang Sung Taek meets with high-level cadres including Xi Jinping, the two will discuss the issue of a bilateral summit,” Sohn added, noting the likelihood that such a summit is likely to occur after China’s own leadership transition in October.

Lee Tae Hwan, a researcher with the Sejong Institute, noted also that there is certainly more to the visit than KCNA made public, explaining, “There are a bunch of people who can solve economic problems like those at Rasun, Hwanggeumpyong and Wihwa Island, it doesn’t have to be someone as influential as Jang Sung Taek.”

“Therefore, Jang’s trip to China is not a working-level visit. He is raising the level of bilateral communication.”

UPDATE 1 (2012-8-14):

Third Meeting of DPRK-China Joint Guidance Committee Held
Beijing, August 14 (KCNA) — The third meeting of the DPRK-China Joint Guidance Committee for the joint development and management of the Rason Economic Trade Zone and Hwanggumphyong and Wihwado Economic Zones was held in Beijing on Tuesday.

Present there were members of the delegation of the DPRK-China Joint Guidance Committee led by its DPRK side Chairman Jang Song Thaek who is department director of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea and Ji Jae Ryong, DPRK Ambassador to China.

Also present there were members of the delegation of the China-DPRK Joint Guidance Committee led by its Chinese side Chairman Chen Deming, minister of Commerce of China and Liu Hongcai, Chinese Ambassador to the DPRK.

The meeting reviewed the work done for developing them since the second meeting of the joint guidance committee.

In the Rason Economic Trade Zone, a master plan for developing the zone was mapped out, reconstruction of ports and railways made brisk headway, the project for reconstructing Rajin-Wonjong highway is nearing its completion and a work has made brisk headway in various fields including tourism and agricultural cooperation and measurement for the transmission of electricity from China was finished.

In the Hwanggumphyong Economic Zone, favorable preconditions were created for substantially starting the development project including the fixing of the spot for border passage according to the drafted detailed plan.

The meeting stressed the need to quickly start the Wihwado Zone development and show the world the will of both sides for the development of both zones.

At the meeting, both sides appreciated as the successes made since the second meeting the amendment, enactment and announcement of the law on the two economic zones, the agreement of development plans, the establishment of management committee, the work of various panels of the joint guidance committee, the training of management officials of the two economic zones, the promotion of already started projects, the border passage and positive progress in tele-communication cooperation through the joint efforts of the two governments.

Both sides reaffirmed that it plays an important role in consolidating and developing the traditional relations of DPRK-China friendship to invariably implement the historic agreement on the joint development and management of the two economic zones reached between the top leaders of the two countries in line with mutual interests.

Both sides said in unison that to develop the two economic zones of weighty significance in boosting exchange and cooperation in all fields between the two countries, developing economy and achieving regional stability and prosperity is in line with the common interests of the two peoples.

They agreed upon a series of matters of jointly pushing forward the top priority processes in creating environment favorable for investment in the two economic zones to meet international standard and mutual interests.

They agreed to make sure that the two governments support and encourage local governments and enterprises push forward this work now that all the matters related to the development of the two economic zones were agreed upon and have reached the phase of implementation. They also agreed to positively promote the development of the Wihwado zone.

They agreed to hold the fourth meeting of the Joint Guidance Committee in Pyongyang in the first half of 2013.

Minutes of the third meeting and the Agreement on Economic and Technological Cooperation between the Governments of the DPRK and the PRC were signed by Jang Song Thaek and Chen Deming.

A ceremony of declaring the establishment of the Management Committee of the Rason Economic Trade Zone and the Hwanggumphyong Economic Zone took place and relevant documents including The Basic Agreement on Investment in Port and Industrial District of the Rason Economic Trade Zone, A MOU on setting up the Management Committee of the Hwanggumphyong Economic Zone for Joint Development and Management between the North Phyongan Provincial People’s Committee of the DPRK and the Liaoning Provincial People’s Government of the PRC and A MOU on Designing Processes for Basic Facilities in the Hwanggumphyong Economic Zone for the Joint Development and Management between the North Phyongan Provincial People’s Committee of the DPRK and the Liaoning Provincial People’s Government of the PRC were signed during the meeting.

The Chinese Ministry of Commerce gave a reception in connection with the successful third meeting that day.

ORIGINAL POST (2012-8-13): According to KCNA:

DPRK Delegation Leaves for China
Pyongyang, August 13 (KCNA) — A delegation of the DPRK-China Joint Guidance Committee Monday left here for Beijing, China to take part in the third meeting of the committee.

It was headed by its DPRK side Chairman Jang Song Thaek who is a department director of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea.

The meeting is reportedly to discuss the joint development and joint management of Rason Economic Trade Zone and Hwanggumphyong and Wihwado Economic Zone.

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Chongjin’s “Mansudae-style” apartments

August 23rd, 2012

Pictured above (Google Earth): Pohang District, Chongjin (in red)

UPDATE 1 (2012-8-23): The Daily NK, which has been the only organization to cover the housing construction in Chongjin (see original post below), reports on the classic problem of political allocation of resources (in this case housing) in socialist economies. According to the article:

A source from Chongjin told Daily NK yesterday, “This rumor started going around that the apartments they are building would first go to decorated soldiers, veterans and discharged military officers, and then the rest would be distributed to ordinary people. As soon as that happened, a group of 40 or more people, many of whom had already seen their former homes demolished and thought they had priority on the housing list, got really angry.”

“The crowd went repeatedly to both the local administrative office and the district people’s committee to demand that a list of those assigned homes be made public,” he added.

During the protests, the source said, “Those who found they were not on the list warned that they would not stand idly by if their new homes were stolen from them. They didn’t back down from the guys from the Ministry of People’s Safety either, not for more than 30 minutes.”

The head of the local administrative office vacated his post due to the trouble and hasn’t been seen since, something that has made the aggrieved individuals even angrier. Upper level cadres are also refusing to meet them, and lower level figures are trying to wash their hands of the whole affair, saying that the list of those assigned apartments can no longer be changed. No longer thinking that the problem can be solved at the district level, the group has sent a letter to the provincial authorities outlining their grievances.

“Their point is that the authorities said that only a small number of the apartments would go to those people (decorated soldiers, veterans and discharged military officers), while most of them were supposed to go to ordinary families,” the source explained.

The source also explained the backdrop, saying that thousands of homes in the Namgang and Pohang areas of the Pohang district of the city have been destroyed since last June, and that the displaced residents from those homes have all been living with relatives and friends while waiting for the chance to move into what they thought were to be their new dwellings.

The problem is not over yet, either. According to the source, “It also looks like some facilities like shops and restaurants that were not on the original plans for an area around the amusement park are also being built, which will reduce the volume of housing available. Who can say how people from that area who’ve lost their homes will object if they lose out.”

This article is interesting to me because it answers a couple of questions I have had for some time: “What happens to families displaced by urban construction projects?” [Answer: for the most part, they go live with family members until replacement housing is allocated] and “How is new housing allocated if not through de-facto sales?” [Answer: Ideally through an objective and enforceable list based on “need”. However, this process is often corrupted. See here, here and here].

ORIGINAL POST (2012-8-14): According to the Daily NK:

It has been confirmed that affluent local wholesale traders have been co-opted to support the construction of apartment buildings in Chongjin, North Hamkyung Province.

A Chongjin source told Daily NK yesterday, “The construction of high-rise apartment buildings in the Pohang district of the city is being done by enterprises and ‘shock troops’, but there are also local go-betweens at the forefront connecting affluent traders from the region with the construction teams so that the latter can get materials as needed.”

The source went on, “It seems that most of the province’s rich people have gathered here. You can tell that there are people with genuine power involved in the construction by how fast the buildings are going up now.”

Since last May, Chongjin has been working to follow in the footsteps of the Mansudae area of Pyongyang by constructing apartments for 10,000 households, including 2,000 in the Pohang district. The project is said to be part of North Hamkyung Province Party Secretary Oh Soo Yong’s determined effort to show loyalty to the regime of Kim Jong Eun. However, the Party and state lacks the power to follow through on the plans.

The situation is not rare. Rich people and brokers acting as go-betweens are actively involved in all types of construction projects in North Korea today. This was even the case when Pyongyang planned the building of 100,000 apartments in time for the 100th anniversary of the birth of Kim Il Sung earlier this year. Indeed, all North Koreans know that “without the go-betweens this country’s economy would seize up.”

Usually, the North Korean authorities get factory enterprises and units of ‘shock troops’ to do the state’s construction and set in place plans to secure the necessary cement, steel and other materials, but this part very rarely goes according to plan.

For one thing, factories need to be bribed if the construction sites want to get their materials delivered on time, so the middlemen have a close relationship with the factories. Meanwhile, the rich people who finance the construction later receive a share of the finished apartments in return.

Currently in Chongjin, a home on the 3rd or 4th floor of such an apartment costs about $5,000. A rich man investing $7,000 dollars in the construction of a building can expect to make about $3,000 in profit. Other floors cost $3,000-$4,000 at current rates. However, in Pyongyang prices are much higher, with apartments on the 3rd or 4th floor trading for as much as $10,000 dollars.

The source said, “There are nicely dressed men striding around the construction site checking on progress, and these are the rich folk.”

The publicly available satellite imagery of Chongjin is too old to show recent construction, and since I have no budget, staff, or connections to people who have the ability to get new satellite imagery, I cannot show you any recent pictures.

Despite the lack of physical evidence, however, I have good reason to believe that new residential construction is underway in Chongjin.  This is because I do have publicly-available imagery of other DPRK cities and towns which are being “upgraded” with new apartment blocks. Recently I wrote about construction in Rason. I will post imagery of additional towns and cities if I get the time.

Read the Daily NK story here:
Rich Traders Invest in Chongjin Construction
Daily NK
Choi Song Min
2012-08-10

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Kaesong production increases in first half of 2012

August 22nd, 2012

Yonhap reports that the Kaesong Industrial Zone has experienced growth in both the nominal dollar value of its output (I do not know what exchange rate is used to determine the dollar value for accounting and reporting purposes) and the number of employed North Korean workers.

According to Yonhap:

Output in North Korea’s Kaesong industrial park jumped 23 percent in the first half of this year from a year earlier as more North Korean laborers worked at the South-North joint industrial project, Seoul said Tuesday.

The value of products manufactured at the industrial zone in the North Korean border city amounted to US$236.08 million during the January-June period of this year, compared with $192.01 million for the same period last year, according to the Unification Ministry, which handles inter-Korean issues.

The Kaesong Industrial Complex’s monthly production value surpassed the $40-million level for the first time in March before nearing $43 million in both May and June, according to the ministry.

The total number of North Korean workers in the Kaesong park stood at 51,310 as of the end of June after touching the 50,000-level in January. The number for January last year was 46,194, the ministry said.

Mentioned before on this web page, but nowhere else in English as far as I have seen, is the notion of foreign exchange risk built into the procedures that govern the Kaesong Industrial Complex.  The exchange rate risk stems from the fact that costs (payments made to the North Koreans) are denominated in US dollars whereas revenues (the output produced in Kaesong sold in South Korea) are denominated in South Korean won.  This means that if the dollar was to unexpectedly appreciate against the South Korean won, firms in the Kaesong Zone would find themselves in a bind with prices paid for inputs rising relative to the revenues received from sales. I am not sure what contingencies the architects of the Kaesong Zone have built in preparation for this scenario so if you seen anything about it, please let me know.

Previous posts on the Kaesong Industrial Zone here.

Read the full story here:
Kaesong industrial park’s output up 23 pct in H1
Yonhap
2012-8-21

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KoryoLink update (sort of)

August 17th, 2012

It is getting harder to know specific information about the DPRK’s mobile phone network…such as how many subscribers have signed up or how revenues/profits are doing.

In December 2011 Orascom Telecom finalized a demerger and the KoryoLink portfolio (the DPRK’s 3G mobile phone network) was transferred to a new holding company, Orascom Telecom Media and Technology Holding S.A.E. (OTMT).

According to the Orascom Q1 2012 shareholder report (p15):

Under the terms of the VimpelCom transaction, VimpelCom, Weather II and OTH agreed on a demerger plan (the Demerger”) pursuant to which the Company‟s investments in certain telecom, media and technology assets (the “SpinOff Assets”), which were not intended to form part of the VimpelCom business going forward, would be transferred to a new company, Orascom Telecom Media and Technology Holding S.A.E. (“OTMT”). The Demerger was performed in accordance with the guidelines of the Egyptian Financial Supervisory Authority and in particular decree no. 124 of 2010 and was completed in December 2011. The split of OTH shares by the way of the Demerger resulted in OTH shareholders holding the same percentage interest in OTMT as they held in the Company. The Demerger plan was initially approved in a shareholders meeting dated 14 April 2011 and subsequently on 23 October 2011. Approval from the Egyptian Financial Supervisory Authority was received in December 2011.

As a result of the Demerger, during November and December 2011, ownership of the following Spin-Off Assets was  transferred from the Company to OTMT:

[…]

75% ownership in CHEO Technology Joint Venture Company, together with all other assets and businesses located in
North Korea;

95% ownership in Orabank NK;

[…]

Other than the reference above, the Q1 report does not mention KoryoLink or even the DPRK. As you would expect, KoryoLink is not mentioned in Orascom’s Q2 2012 Shareholder Report either.

OTMT (the new holding company) has a web page, however it contains remarkably little information. Here is what it has to say about KoryoLink:

Koryolink

A joint venture between OTH [Orascom Telecom Holdings] and the state-owned KPTC [Korea Post and Telecommunications Company] and included as part of the assets held by OTMT following the demerger. OTMT holds, a 75% stake in [Cheo Technology Joint Venture Company] with KPTC. The company is North Korea’s only 3G Mobile operator. By June 2011, Koryolink’s network covered more than 75% of North Korea’s population (estimated at 24.5 million).

Being the first company of its kind and scale in North Korea, koryolink established many precedents; a first of its kind call center to provide customer service; a launch announcement in major newspapers and on radio despite almost non-existent marketing and advertising industries; and the implementation of a koryolink advertising billboard, the first of its kind in Pyongyang.

KPTC is the “Korea Post and Telecommunications Company” which is nominally controlled by the DPRK’s Ministry of Post and Telecommunications.

This OTMT page shows five financial reports for the year, however, only one of them is in English (an audit by Deloitte in June 2012). All the other reports are in Arabic. The audit report includes aggregate financial information from “CHEO Technology (KoryoLink)”; however, it does not contain any detailed company information. Hopefully this will change in the future.

The OTMT web page does not mention OraBank at all.  According to this organization chart, however, it appears to be held by a separate holding company under the OTMT umbrella, the Oracap Holding Co./Oracap Far East Ltd.  I have not been able to find out much more than that.

Additional information welcome.

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DPRK mining investment woes (Xiyang – 西洋集團)

August 17th, 2012

Pictured above: the signing of the contract between Xiyang Group and Ri Seong-kyu (리성교). Image source here.

UPDATE 6 (2012-9-17): Andrei Lankov writes a good summary of events.

UPDATE 5 (2012-9-7): The Global Times (PR China) reports on the Xiyang affair:

Wu Xisheng, vice general manager of the Xiyang Group, told the Global Times Thursday that the company’s partner in North Korea was an enterprise affiliated with the Korean Workers’ Party, instead of what the country called a private entity.

Wu also said Xiyang is one of dozens of Chinese companies who have been cheated by North Korea.

Hu Chenpei, a diplomat with the business section of the Chinese embassy in Pyongyang, told the Global Times that it is “an isolated case of business disputes,” adding that both sides of the story are true.

“We have been in contact with related departments in North Korea, hoping the two sides could iron out their disputes through rational discussions,” said Hu.

However, Wu insisted that the North should repay their losses or the group will reveal further details about “how Pyongyang cheated it.”

When contacted by the Global Times, a diplomat with North Korea’s embassy in Beijing said he had never heard of the Xiyang Group and refused to comment.

The North Korean spokesperson also said his government will continue improving its investment environment to further draw international investment, and protect the legitimate rights and interests of international investors who follow the principles of mutual respect, equality and mutual benefit as well as observing laws.

Liu Ming, a researcher with the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, said the disputes have dealt a blow to Chinese enterprises’ confidence in North Korea.

UPDATE 4 (2012-9-5): In a Reuters article, Xiyang responds to the KCNA statement:

Xiyang told Reuters in an interview after the North’s statement that it had been “cheated” and it lambasted Beijing’s policy of propping up North Korea’s unreformed regime which it said that it was done for geo-political reasons.

“It (Xiyang) has carried out only 50 percent of its investment obligations though almost four years have passed since the contract took effect,” KCNA quoted a spokesman for North Korea’s Commission for Joint Venture and Investment as saying.

Xiyang refused to curb its criticism of North Korea when it spoke to Reuters, suggesting that Beijing was doing little to help companies that ran afoul of what it viewed as arbitrary rulings by North Korean officials.

“This isn’t just about us – it is about all companies investing in North Korea,” Wu Xisheng, vice general manager of Xiyang told Reuters.

“They just don’t have the conditions for foreigners to invest. They say they welcome investment but they don’t have the legal or social foundations.”

UPDATE 3 (2012-9-5): KCNA has issued an official comment on the xian affair:

Media Should Maintain Impartiality in Report about DPRK

Pyongyang, September 5 (KCNA) — A spokesman for the DPRK Commission for Joint Venture and Investment on September 5 issued the following statement:

The Xiyang Group of the Haicheng City, Liaoning Province of China on August 2 posted on its Internet website an article criticizing the DPRK over the disputes that cropped up between the Group and the Korean Ryongbong Corporation in the course of implementing a joint venture contract for the development of magnetite concentrated ore.

After the article was published, some media echoed it before and after the report about the results of the third meeting of the DPRK-China Guidance Committee for developing two economic zones was made public.

They added their own analyses to the article posted by the Group. They even aired what the anti-DPRK hostile forces reported in the past to malignantly slander the inviolable social system and policy of the DPRK.

Generally, it is international usage and commercial ethics to settle disputes that occurred in the course of economic relations in line with the relevant arbitration item of the contract.

But the media have kicked off massive propaganda campaign, defying international usage and commercial order. This cannot be interpreted otherwise than an act of fanning up the dishonest forces in their moves to drive a wedge between the two countries in their economic cooperation and chill the atmosphere for investment.

As far as the procedures for the signing and implementation of the contract between the DPRK Ryongbong Corporation and the Steel Co. Ltd., of the Group and the bilateral disputes are concerned, the Group is also to blame for the abrogation of the contract. In the light of the process of implementing the obligations under the contract, the Group is chiefly to blame from the legal point of view.

It has carried out only 50 percent of its investment obligations though almost four years have past since the contract took effect.

So the two contracting parties again sat together only in vain over the timeline for the completion of the first-phase investment and commissioning.

As for 16 provisions which the Group set forth as the major issue of the disputes, it is the legal obligation of the Group related to the contract to implement them according to the mutual contract in which both sides agreed on the article that “two sides sign it on the basis of the DPRK Law on Joint Venture”.

As regards the dealing of sales price of trial products, the Group insisted on its self-opinionated proposal for settling its debts within the boundary of China, in disregard of the procedures in price dealing pursuant to the relevant financial management norms.

Media should comply with the standards for fairness and objectivity, create an atmosphere helpful to settling the disputes between the two contracting parties and refrain from an act that can be misused by the hostile forces for their vicious propaganda.

We will in the future, too, improve and round off the investment environment to further expand the international investment relations to meet the demand of the developing times and the lawful requirement of the international investment relations under the condition that the security of the country is guaranteed by dint of Songun. We will also ensure the legitimate rights and interests of all investors willing to develop international investment relations on the principles of mutual respects, equality, reciprocity and law-observance.

UPDATE 2 (2012-8-17): Michael Rank sent over the photos below which the Xiyang Group published (source here). I had a Korean friend (thx Angela) look over these and give me an idea of what they say:

This appears to be the DPRK business license or registration. It claims that the Korea Ryongbong Ryonhap Company (조선령봉련합회사) and the Chinese Soyang Jipdan Corporation (중국서양집단공사사) “merged” to form the Yangbong Hapyong Company (양봉합영회사). The new firm is made up of 1,000 local employees and two foreigners. The investment terms also appear to be denominated in Euros.

This image appears to be the cover sheet to the agreement between the two firms.  The cover sheet states that this agreement has been approved at the highest levels and that both firms agree to be bound by its terms.

UPDATE 1 (2012-8-15): Michael Rank has followed up on the Xiyang Group story in the Asia Times:

China likes to claim that its relations with North Korea are “as close and lips and teeth” but those teeth are infected with a poisonous abscess so far as one Chinese company is concerned.

In an extraordinary attack, a Chinese mining company has accused the North Koreans of tearing up a multi-million-dollar deal, intimidating its staff, imposing outrageous extra charges and cutting off its power and water, as well as of corruption and demanding prostitutes whenever their North Korean counterparts visited China.

“Xiyang Group’s investment in North Korea was a nightmare, and we were taking our lives in our hands when we entered the tiger’s lair,” the company says.

Xiyang Group, based in the northeastern province of Liaoning, says it was the biggest single Chinese investor in North Korea, having in 2011 signed a 240 million yuan (US$38 million) deal to form a joint venture iron mine that was to produce 500,000 tonnes of iron powder a year.

A few months after the contract was signed, the North Koreans made a series of extraordinary demands that led to the Chinese walking out in fury and to launching what must surely be the fiercest public attack they have ever made on their supposed close ally. [1]

The company aims much of its invective at a particular North Korean official, who, it says, is “the leader of the criminal gang who deceived Xiyang, this great plotter and fraudster …” The official, Ri Seong-kyu, was the North Korean side’s faren, or legal representative, in the deal and he is blamed for everything that went wrong.

When negotiations began in 2006 the plan was for the Chinese company to take a 75% stake in the venture, but it turned out that North Korean policy stipulated that a foreign firm could own no more than a 70% stake in a natural resources company such as a mine.

Xiyang says Ri, “violating the North Korean national investment law”, nevertheless signed a joint venture contract in which the Chinese side took a 75% stake, “forging an investment certification document in order to gain Xiyang’s confidence”.

He later told the Chinese company that the document was null and void because of the stipulation that the North Korean side must have at least a 30% stake, but Xiyang did not realise his deception until September 2011.

Xiyang says it first became interested in investing in North Korea in 2005 in response to the Chinese government’s call for Chinese companies to “venture out” and invest abroad, “but we had heard that North Koreans do not keep to their word, national laws are not strong and it is easy to be cheated, so we were extremely cautious in our investigations.”

It also notes the secrecy that pervades business dealings in North Korea, which prevented Xiyang from sending ore samples back to China for testing, but despite all this the company “took the great risk of investing”.

“North Korea’s system of doing business is [based on] government departments’ secrecy in relation to foreigners, and they do not allow foreigners to visit government departments to do business,” the online report complains.

It says there were “all kinds of unimaginable serious problems” in reaching an agreement, but after years of negotiations production finally began in April 2011. However, the North Koreans unilaterally annulled the agreement last February, when they “used violent methods” against Xiyang staff, cutting off their water, electricity and communications and smashing the windows of their living quarters.

At 2am on March 3, a group of 20 armed police and security officials led by a North Korean company official woke up the sleeping Chinese and told them the North Korean premier had annulled the deal and they were to leave the country immediately.

Ten senior Xiyang employees, who seem to have been the only ones remaining in North Korea out of over 100 originally sent, were “treated as enemies”, put on a bus and deported via the border city of Sinuiju.

The statement includes a highly personal attack on Ri, who, it says, has a huge paunch and is “North Korea’s number one fat man”, weighing 108 kilograms. “Everybody knows North Korea is suffering grain shortages and ordinary people do not have enough to eat, so North Koreans are quite thin but Ri Seong-kyu’s unusual fatness fully reveals what a luxurious life he leads … When people like Ri Seong-kyu go to China they let down their country and themselves and make all kinds of demands, for money, gifts, food, drink, girls …”

Xiyang said it had paid over US$800,000 in kickbacks to corrupt North Korean officials, including $80,0000 for a Hummer for Ri in 2008 and $100,000 in 2009 for a construction project in which he was involved in South Hwanghae province. In addition, Ri and his cronies would demand gifts of laptops, cellphones and vast amounts of booze, and to be provided with masseuses.

“Sometimes the Chinese would not provide any girls, so they would get them themselves and put it on their room bill,” expecting Xiyang to pay for all their personal expenses, bringing the bill to over 200,000 yuan per person.

This was not all – they would demand a receipt for their expenses that had been paid for by Xiyang, so they could claim the same costs when they returned to North Korea, according to the Xiyang statement.

Xiyang officials, on the other hand, had to pay all their own expenses in North Korea, were only allowed to eat in certain restaurants and were followed 24 hours a day by security officials. Even when Ri invited the president of Xiyang to his home, his host charged $2,000 for the privilege.

The report says the crunch came in September 2011 when the North Koreans made 16 demands that violated the terms of the contract, including a 4-10% sales levy, a one euro (US$0.17) per square metre per year rent charge, a hike in electricity prices and a charge of one euro per cubic metre of sea water consumed.

They also banned the company from releasing waste water, or even clean water, into the sea, which “amounted to the North Koreans forcibly halting production”.

The most serious act by the North Koreans was a ban on sales, the document states, which was clearly aimed at ensuring an end to the joint venture. “Ri Seong-kyu claimed all these [regulations] were included in North Korea’s national joint venture law, and we could not sell the 30,000 tonnes of iron powder that had been produced. In these circumstances, if Xiyang had carried on investing and manufacturing [in North Korea], we would have been the biggest fools in the world.”

Many of Xiyang’s complaints will sound all too familiar to anyone who has visited North Korea. The document tells how Xiyang staff were at first banned from buying food in so-called free markets. After much pleading the authorities finally agreed to this, but each person had to be accompanied by two minders and the route had to be approved by the security police.

Although the mine was only 500 meters from the sea, staff were banned from taking strolls along the shore.

Quite why the North Koreans acted with such prejudice against Xiyang isn’t clear, but part of the reason may lie in the location of the mine. It is in Ongjin county on the west coast, a highly sensitive area ever since this small peninsula ended up in North Korea after the Korean war even though it lies below the 38th Parallel. (It is also close to the port of Haeju, from where the iron was to have been exported).

The Chinese government may wish to dismiss this as a spat between a little known Chinese company and a single corrupt North Korean official, but it has brought into the open the deep suspicion that exists between the two countries.

The Chinese have long felt unable to trust the North Koreans with their xenophobic, quasi-Maoist personality cult, while the North Koreans are equally suspicious of the emerging superpower on their doorstep eagerly eyeing the smaller country’s natural resources.

Change may now be in the air, and the more open leadership style of North Korea’s young Kim Jong-eun has sparked speculation of economic reform and a fresh approach to foreign investment in his country, but horror stories such as this may indicate Kim’s style may be just that – all style and no substance.

ORIGINAL POST (2012-8-10): JVIC is the DPRK’s Joint Venture Investment Committee. You can read previous posts about the JVIC here.

According to Yonhap:

North Korea has recently signed a deal with China to jointly develop three mines in the North, a North Korean investment firm said Thursday, as the cash-strapped country steps up attempts to earn hard currency from overseas.

A Beijing unit of North Korea’s Committee of Investment and Joint Venture struck the joint development deal with a Chinese international trading company in Beijing on June 9, according to the unit’s Chinese-language Web site.

“The China firm’s president and his parties conducted field inspections into one (North Korean) gold mine and two iron ore mines and confirmed the investment and development scheme,” the Web site said. “Facility building is now well underway for the project,” it said.

Details on the terms of the deal were not provided.

Experts said the deal is the first foreign investment deal announced by the Beijing unit, which is run by the Committee of Investment and Joint Venture in charge of luring overseas capital and investment into the North.

The joint North-China mining venture also illustrates growing exports of underground resources from the North to China, its closest ally and a major source of foreign currency.

Exports of mineral resources to China reached 8,420,000 tons during the first nine months of 2011, growing sharply from the annual volume of 4,799,000 tons in 2010 and 2,480,000 tons for the whole of 2008.

Although Yonhap does not report the Chinese company’s identity, the IBTimes reports that it is named “Baoyuanhengchang”. According to the article:

Baoyuanhengchang confirmed the plans to develop the mines, as per its pronouncement, noting both parties had conducted field inspections.

“Facility building is already underway and everything is going as planned,” it said. No details of the terms, however, were provided.

The pronouncement has been considered a milestone as this was the first time that North Korea publicly announced its efforts in enlisting foreign investors to help develop its potentially vast mineral wealth, Arirang News reported.

I have yet to determine in which specific projects Baoyuanhengchang is investing.

The two most high-profile Chinese mining investments in the DPRK remain the Hyesan Youth Copper Mine (US$860 million, it now holds a 51% ownership) and the Musan Mine (50year lease). The original Musan deal may have fallen through, however, and could possibly be one of the deals included in the Baoyuanhengchang agreement.

However, a warning to the Chinese investors can be found below. According to the Donga Ilbo:

A Chinese conglomerate that tried to advance into the North Korean mining industry has been forced out of the Stalinist country due to contract cancellations.

Calling its past five-year investment in the North “a nightmare,” Xiyang Group has filed for arbitration with the Chinese government.

Based in Liaoning, China, the group said Wednesday that it had set up a joint venture with North Korea in March 2007 to build a plant there that extracts iron from ore. Of the paid-in capital of 47.52 million U.S. dollars, the company put up 75 percent of the amount in cash and North Korea 25 percent for land and mine exploration and also managerial rights for 30 years.

Xiyang company invested 37.14 million dollars, the biggest investment for a Chinese private company in North Korea. Pyongyang approved the incorporation in April 2007.

With a target of 500,000 tons of ore dressing per year, Xiyang sent about 100 workers to North Korea and produced 30,000 tons in April last year. In September last year, however, Pyongyang requested modification of 16 items on the contract including a demand of 4-10 percent of sales of products for using raw materials; 1.24 dollars for every square meter of land leased, and 17 cents per cubic meter of sea water for industrial use.

Xiyang said the demands were not included in the original contract, which was ratified by the North Korean parliament in October 2009.

The conglomerate refused modification of the contract, prompting Pyongyang to suspend the effectuation of the contract and cancel corporate establishment Feb. 7. North Korea also suspended power, water and communication supply at the plant.

Xiyang said that on March 3, North Korean police and 20 security guards went to where the Chinese workers were staying and forced them to ride a bus to deport them outside the Chinese border.

The group said the North requested modification of the contract to steal the ore dressing facility that the country lacked in capital and technology to introduce.

A Xiyang source said, “When our company was established in 2007, North Korea had a law restricting a foreign company`s stake in a joint venture to now more than 70 percent. But the North said the law will be revised soon and requested a 75-percent stake. Eventually, this was a drag.”

“Not only North Korean authorities but also the North Korean company we established ties with had a high-end attitude, including a request for money in U.S. dollars.”

Xiyang Group explained the violation of the contract and put it on the Internet to complain of the injustice. Its complaint is titled “Nightmare in North Korea Investment.”

So the North Koreans are violating a contract which was ratified by the Supreme Peoples’ Assembly? That does not inspire confidence.

Via Choson Exchange, here is a link to Xiyang’s official statement. You can read it in English via Google Translate here.  In case the web site is taken down, I have created a PDF of it which you can see here.

It is not really worth the time speculating on the politics behind the scenes. The Daily NK, however, points out that the KPA’s privileges with respect to mineral exports are being curtailed.

In 2007 Xiyang set up the Sohae Joint Venture Company to work the Ongjin Iron Mine (Google Earth coordinates:  37.960294°, 125.368651°)  and the Xiyang Paekgumsan Joint Venture (aka Soyang Paekgumsan Joint Venture Co.) to work in haevy industry and construction. Although the story does not mention it, I believe the problems are at the Ongjin Mine. I am unsure of the status of the Paekgumsan Joint Venture.

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Changsong County held up as economic example (again)…

August 12th, 2012

Pictured above (Google Earth) is Changsong Town in North Pyongan Province.

There has been a lot of talk about economic reform in the DPRK in recent weeks (see here). One of the aspects of these reforms has been greater local/regional control over economic policies and outcomes.

On August 9, the Daily NK reported that Changsong is “again being put forward as a model for the spontaneous economic development of regional cities and counties as the regime works to foster a different mindset prior to impending economic changes”. According to the article:

On the 8th, Rodong Shinmun published an editorial entitled, ‘Let Our Country Be Prosperous in the Spirit of the Changsung Joint Session’ in an edition that also featured seven other related articles. The articles served as a timely reminder of the joint session of central cadres, their provincial counterparts and economic sector officials held on August 7th and 8th in Changsung County.

[…]

Utilizing the history lesson, Rodong Shinmun emphasized, “The fundamental essence of the Changsung Joint Session was increasing the role of the county in developing regional industry and agricultural accounting, and enhanced the people’s lives by the strength of our household itself.”

It went on, “In every city and district, we must resolve to decisively raise the productivity of our land to solve issues of food insecurity, and must thoroughly implement the Party’s agricultural revolution.”

On days prior, Rodong Shinmun, KCNA and other state-run media outlets also reported in various forms the idea that ‘all the counties in the country are going to follow the example of Changsung County.’ For example, on the 7th it introduced a new food processing plant in Changsung County itself.

Analyzing these moves, Kwon Tae Jin, a researcher with the Korea Rural Economic Institute told Daily NK, “When it comes to the agricultural sector, the county is at the center of everything. This is a way of passing the center’s role to the regions at a time when the center (the Ministry of Agriculture) cannot play its role properly.”

“The purpose of emphasizing the responsibility of the Cabinet and the counties at the same time is to readjust the system,” Kwon added, while the head of North Korea Strategy Center, Kim Kwang In added, “Since the center cannot do what it needs to, they want the regions to deal with survival.”

The move is also intended to raise the likelihood of the 6.28 Policy succeeding. In Kim’s words, “The regime is pushing regional self-reliance prior to the announcement of the new policy.”

I have previously written about the “Changsong Joint Conference” here.

Interestingly, this narrative paints the 6.28 policy as an effort to decentralize economic production because Pyongyang can no longer afford the old policies, yet for propaganda purposes, it is being portrayed as the continuation of a movement personally launched by Kim Il-sung 50 years ago!

Changsong has indeed seen a lot of recent construction. According to KCNA (2012-8-4):

County, Model in Local Economic Development

Pyongyang, August 4 (KCNA) — Changsong County, North Phyongan Province of the DPRK, has become a model in the development of local economy in the new century. Great changes have taken place in all aspects of production and construction in a matter of little over one year.

Local industrial factories have been placed on a modern and scientific basis to lay a firm foundation for reenergizing production and improving the standard of people’s living. The county seat has taken on a new appearance to suit the specific features of a county.

President Kim Il Sung provided field guidance of devotion to the county, once known as remote mountainous county, more than a hundred times in his lifetime with a noble intention to turn it into a model to be followed by all other counties.

There began a new history of mountains of treasures in the county under his care. As a result, the Changsong joint meeting of local party and economic officials was held in the county in August 1962.

Leader Kim Jong Il made sure that the spirit of the joint meeting was fully displayed generation after generation. He gave an instruction to the county to raise a new torch for effecting a dramatic turn in the local industry in November 2010.

The dear respected Marshal Kim Jong Un has led a drive to face-lift the county as required by the building of a thriving nation so that the year 2012, the 50th anniversary of the joint meeting, may shine as a proud year and a year of new changes in the development of local industry.

All local industrial establishments in the county have undergone dramatic changes as required by the new century in a matter of little over one year.

All production processes at the foodstuff factory ranging from feeding of raw materials to packing and forwarding have been automated and its overall processes sterilized to ensure high quality and hygienic safety of products.

Its textile mill has installed new type machines. Technological updating has made brisk headway at all industrial establishments in the county including paper, furniture and chemical and daily necessities factories.

There has sprung up a new food processing factory. All its processes computerized, the factory mass-produces processed meat and vegetables, varieties of soft drink, and confectionary.

A garment factory with big capacity has been built to meet the county’s need for school uniforms and solve the issue of clothing by itself.

The appearance of the county has changed beyond recognition.

The county erected a mosaic depicting the portraits of the smiling peerlessly great persons. The Changsong revolutionary museum and the county hall of culture have been successfully renovated as centers for the education in the revolutionary history and people’s cultural and emotional life.

The Changsong Restaurant and a noodle restaurant built with Korean style roofs in the center of the county seat add to the beautiful landscape of the township.

There sprang up the Undok Health Complex with all welfare and service facilities, a children’s hall, kindergarten and nursery.

The library, county people’s hospital, sanatorium, commercial and catering network, public buildings and dwelling houses have also been renovated as required by the new century.

A great success has been made in the land management.

The eye-opening changes in the county promise a socialist land of bliss where all varieties of consumer goods are mass-produced at the local industrial factories and the people enjoy happiness in their modern houses.

On 2012-8-7,  the KCTV evening news broadcast images of some of the new construction:

And on August 8, KCNA reported that Choe Yong-rim visited the town:

Senior DPRK Party and State Officials Visit Changsong County

Pyongyang, August 8 (KCNA) — Senior party and state officials including Choe Yong Rim and officials of party, ministries, national institutions and local party, power and economic bodies visited various places of Changsong County, North Phyongan Province on Wednesday on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Changsong joint conference of local party and economic officials.

Changsong County is associated with the leadership feats of President Kim Il Sung and leader Kim Jong Il who opened up a wide road of developing local economy and improving the people’s living standard by increasing the role of county as a regional base.

The participants laid bunches of flowers before the newly erected mosaic depicting portraits of smiling Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il and made bows to them.

At the Changsong Revolutionary Museum, they looked round historic relics showing the efforts made by the President and Kim Jong Il who ushered in a new history of mountains of treasures, while giving field guidance to the county.

They also went to local industrial factories in Changsong including Foodstuff Factory, Foodstuff Processing Factory, Furniture Factory, Paper Mill, Jute Bag Factory and Okpho Stockbreeding Farm.

They enjoyed a performance given by the art group of the county at its cultural hall.

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North Korean architecture

August 12th, 2012

Bradley Martin, author of Under the Loving Care of the Fatherly Leader, has written a review of the book Architectural and Cultural Guide: Pyongyang (learn more here) in the Boston Globe:

An impulse to come to terms with one of the world’s strangest cities animates “Architectural and Cultural Guide Pyongyang” (DOM Publishers). In two volumes, the appropriately strange new book pairs a reprint of the North Korean government’s own guide to its capital (long available to foreigners browsing Pyongyang bookstores; I acquired my copy on a visit more than two decades ago) with a collection of essays by outsiders about what, exactly, we’re seeing here. The editor, Berlin architect Philipp Meuser, describes the work as “a paradoxical attempt to lend normalcy to the abnormal.”

A Western architecture guide to an Eastern city that receives few Western visitors is a curious thing to start with. Beyond that, some might find it almost indecent to think of Pyongyang as an aesthetic achievement. After all, the most towering fact about North Korea isn’t its buildings but the dire circumstances of its people—a country of 24 million now entering the third generation of rule by a dynasty of dictators whose early run of economic policy successes sputtered to an end a half-century ago.

But buildings are valuable aids to understanding any society, and perhaps even more so when it comes to one of world’s most isolated and secretive regimes. The city’s centrally planned skyline, its huge empty avenues and libraries and stadiums, reflect a very particular fusion of Korean culture with socialist ideology. And the streetscape of Pyongyang tells much of the story of North Korea: the gulf between the strange ambitions of the buildings and the often invisible citizens for whom they are notionally built.

Read the full story here.

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Friday Fun: Kim Jong-il’s suit

August 10th, 2012

Kim Jong-il’s signature jumper has gone on display for adoration by the masses.

Kim Jong-il’s signature pot belly seems to have vanished down the memory hole, however.

During the Kim Jong-il era it was not uncommon to see ordinary North Koreans wearing the Kim Jong-il jumper. It will be interesting to see if its use diminishes in the Kim Jong-un era.

If you visit the DPRK and want to obtain one of these fine garments before they go out of style, the tailor at Yangakdo Hotel will be happy to make one of these for you!

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DPRK affected by rising rice prices, currency depreciation

August 10th, 2012

Pictured above (Daily NK): The 2012 Won / US$1 exchange rate up to 2012-7-13.

According to data provided by the Daily NK, the won/dollar exchange rate fell (the won appreciated relative to the dollar) nearly 28.4% from 5,100W/US$1 in December 2011 (a high following Kim Jong-il’s death) to approximately 3,650W/US$1 in February 2012. Since February, however, the won has showed a steady depreciation and the exchange rate has risen 48%  to 5,400W/US$1 as of July 13.

So as I sit here eating breakfast I am wondering what caused these swings in the exchange rate?

Firstly, what was behind the dramatic fall in the exchange rate (and food prices) in January and Febraury? A simple answer may be a decrease in uncertainty and risk.  Following Kim Jong-il’s death, the DPRK did not repeat the mistakes made after the passing of Kim Il-sung.  For the most part markets remained open and “regular” activities of the state were highlighted in the domestic media and reported to contacts overseas. It is also possible that Chinese intervention, particularly in the form of food assistance and trade facilitation, could have played a role.

Secondly, does this mean that the increase in the exchange rate and food prices is a result of growing uncertainty? I am not convinced. It is beyond the scope of a blog post to tease this kind of information out, but here are some other things to think about: Economic uncertainty (pending policy changes, inflationary public finance), balance of trade (fall in net exports/rise in net imports, aid), capital flows (investment, aid, remittances), weather (drought/floods), “lean times” leading up to the fall harvest.

Some of these things matter more than others but it is important to keep in mind that the North Korean won is worth about as much today as it was when Kim Jong-il died. Since the won/US$ exchange rate is highly correlated with the price of rice (a fact that can be visually confirmed on the Daily NK web page) this means that food prices are also pretty high at the moment.

UPDATE 1 (2012-8-16): The Institute for Far Eastern Studies (IFES) has also posted a few words on this topic:

Rice Prices and Exchange Rate on the Rise
2012-8-16

Since Kim Jong Un’s ascent to power, the rice prices and exchange rates are on the rise. Despite Kim Jong Un’s proclaimed priority in elevating the quality of life for the North Korean people, uncertainty are prevalent in the country as Kim Jong Un has yet to meet the expectations of the people for economic revitalization or reform.

Compared to last year, the prices of rice last September that ranged 2,400 to 2,500 KPW per 1 kg, has jumped to 4,500 KPW in December right after the death of Kim Jong Il and exchange rates that averaged 2,800 to 3,000 KPW against one USD soared to 5,000 KPW. Although the prices have stabilized since then, the prices are climbing once again, as the price of rice in February at 3,100 KPW has gone up to 3,600 KPW/kg and exchange rate of 3,700 KPW per dollar jumped to 4,800 KPW in June.

In some places, the price of rice is reported to be above the 5,000 KPW range. According to Daily NK, an internet news outlet, the prices of rice in major cities like Pyongyang, Haesan, and Sinuiju has steadily increased for the last four months.

The price of rice in Pyongyang was 2,600 KPW/kg in April but it has slowly climbed to 3,000 KPW in June 5 to 4,900 KPW in end of June and is 5,300 KPW as of July 13. In Sinuiju and Haesan, the rice prices in April were around 2,600 to 2,700 KPW but soared to 4,300 to 5,000 KPW in July 13.

Exchange rates are also unstable as exchange rate to one US dollar that averaged 3,700 KPW in March soared to 4,200 KPW in April 25, 4,400 KPW in July 14 to 5,400 KPW by July 13.

Seasonal factors are also adding to the price fluctuations. May to August is normally a difficult time for North Korea with frequent famine. Combined with extreme drought conditions in June, accelerating inflation, and people’s rising apprehension about the economy, some rice wholesalers are not withholding the sales of rice.

The rising rice prices and exchange rate is expected to continue for the time being. Flood damages and other natural disasters and the trauma from the failure of last currency revaluation in November 2009 are factors adding to the price escalation.

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