Archive for the ‘Military’ Category

Military as Stepping Stone to Making Money

Tuesday, April 25th, 2006

According to the Daily NK:

The North Korean military has 1.2 million regular forces, although the exact strength of the military has not been revealed (Some estimate the size at 1.7 million). But if you add the “Pacification corps” and the “Red Guard” composed of workers and peasants, and 8 the million effective reserves, everyone belongs to the military except for the old, sick and young.

For men, military service lasts 10 years.  For women, it is 6-8 years. Between 1987-8, conscription lasted 13 years, but after that, it was reduced back to 10.

The biggest cause of stress for the soldiers is not being allowed to have relationships. For this reason, senior students are having secret relationships with women in the nearest village. There are many who prepare for the end of their terms by saving up resources for marriage and getting engaged.

Such activities are risky, particularly if the relationship results in pregnancy.  Such soldiers are ‘discharged from service due to family hardships’.  These soldiers will never being able to become high officials.  

The second source of stress is money. Before the 1990s, joining the Korean Workers’ Party was the highest honor and it was the purpose of serving in the military. Today, money is preferred to party membership. This is why conscripts try to strategically choose departments where they can maximize their revenue.

In the past when joining the party was important, people preferred a forward unit and a special branch of the army, but now they prefer border guards and coast guards.  In the 1990s, the border guards aimed to “make 3-500,000W ($100-$167)”, but now they aim to “make 3 million won” ($1,000).

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Still Waters Run Deep

Tuesday, October 4th, 2005

Korea Times
Andrei Lankov
10/4/2005

During the 50-odd years that followed the armistice of 1953, both Korean states have been locked in an intense rivalry. It was a local cold war, a minor version of the global Cold War, but much more emotional since it was a war between the same people. During some periods, this cold war became very hot. Indeed, those decades were an era of daring raids, complicated intrigue, botched and successful assassinations and, of course, of covert naval warfare.

The major role in this quiet warfare was played by North Korean infiltration craft, used to land agents on the South Korean coast. There are three major types of vessels used by the North Korean navy for this purpose. Throughout the history of quiet naval warfare, two ships of each type were lost due to enemy action.

The most unusual and imaginative contraptions are the semi-submersible boats. These can be described as a poor navy’s submarines. They are small boats, with a displacement of some 5-10 tons and a top surface speed of 40-50 knots. They have ballast tanks, and when these tanks are filled with water, the craft submerges almost completely with only the small conning-tower visible above the water. In this semi-submerged state, the craft is much slower, but it is also almost invisible both to both human eyes and radar. Perhaps it is not as good as a real midget submarine, but it is much cheaper and easier to maintain, and it can carry up to six people.

The first battle with such a craft took place in December 1983, when one was discovered not far away from Pusan, and after a chase was sunk by the South Korean navy.

Another semi-submersible was lost in action in 1998. The South Korean signal intelligence discovered the semi-submersible near Yosu in the early hours of the morning of Dec. 18. The South Korean Navy mobilized a number of planes and ships, which approached the boat, demanding that the crew surrender. But North Korean special forces are famous for their unwillingness to give themselves up alive, so they opened fire using small arms. There was no possible doubt about the outcome: the boat was hit by artillery shells and it sank, to be salvaged the following year.

A semi-submersible infiltration boat cannot operate at a great distance from its base, and in most cases it is carried close to the target destination aboard a specially designed mother ship. Such ships are disguised as fishing boats, but they have powerful engines and a built-in dock for a semi-submersible or a more conventional speedboat. The dock is equipped with outward-opening double doors on the stern, allowing the boat to be safely hidden inside the hull.

There have been two cases in which such a ship has been discovered and sunk by hostile forces. The first incident of this kind happened in August 1983, when a South Korean patrol boat discovered just such a ship operating near Ullung-do Island. The ship was sunk after a short shootout.

Another incident took place in December 2001, and this time, the ship was found by the Japanese navy near the Japanese coast. This was not the first discovery of this kind, but on previous occasions, the North Koreans ships managed to flee using their superior speed. This time, however, the ship could not move fast enough _ perhaps the disintegration of economy has influenced the navy as well. As to be expected, the ship’s crew refused to surrender and opened fire, injuring two Japanese sailors. They returned fire and in less than four minutes the ship sank with its entire crew.

The North Korean Navy also possesses a number of submarines, including the Yugo class vessels. These are specially designed midget submarines whose major task is infiltration. The Yugo boats are small, with a displacement of merely 70 tons when submerged.

Such a submarine was caught in a fishing net near Sokcho on the east coast on June 24, 1998. Its propeller and periscope had been fouled. The vessel was captured by the South Korean navy but sank while being towed. The submarine was soon salvaged but all crew and commandos (nine of them – more than usual for a submarine of this type) were found dead after committing group suicide.

Larger Sango class submarines are also sometimes used for infiltration. It was this submarine that was involved in the most high-profile case of military confrontation between the two Koreas in the 1990s. In mid-September 1996, a North Korean Sango submarine was on a routine infiltration mission: a group of commandos were to conduct surveillance of the military installations on the east coast. However, in the early hours of Sept. 18, the submarine ran ashore and was discovered by a taxi driver. The crew and commandos attempted to breakthrough to the DMZ. A long spy hunt ensued, with heavy losses of life on both sides (among the victims there were farmers whom the commandos killed as dangerous witnesses) as well as with the usual group suicide of the North Korean soldiers.

Indeed, one of the most remarkable features of this quiet war is the unwillingness of the North Korean soldiers to surrender. Few sailors and commandos have ever been taken alive. Does this reflect the exceptional valor of the North Korean warriors? To some extent it may, but also there are other reasons behind such behavior. But that is another story…

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North Korea Reinstates Controls on Grain Sales

Monday, October 3rd, 2005

Los Angeles Times
Barbara Demick
10/3/2005

North Korea Reinstates Controls on Grain Sales Rice and other foods will be distributed by the government and banned at markets.

Rolling back some of its economic reforms, North Korea is banning the sale of rice and other grains at private markets and strengthening its old communist-style public distribution system under which all citizens are supposed to get rations, aid groups and North Korea experts say.

The changes were supposed to be implemented Oct. 10, a holiday in North Korea marking the 60th anniversary of the ruling Workers’ Party. But reports from the World Food Program office in Pyongyang, the capital, indicate that merchants have been told already that they can no longer sell grain.

The United Nations agency said in a statement on its website that “as of Oct. 1, reports are that cereal sales in the markets will cease and public distribution centers will take over countrywide distribution.”

North Korea experts say the moves do not necessarily indicate an abrupt U-turn in the impoverished country’s economic policies, so much as concern that change was taking place too quickly.

“I think it is a transitional necessity. You can’t move too fast into free—market economics without softening the blow for people who have grown up in a planned economy,” Richard Ragan, who heads the World Food Program office in Pyongyang, said in a recent telephone interview. “This is not that different from what you saw happening in China in the 1990s.”

Lee Young Hwa, a Japan—based human rights worker who has close contacts with traders at the Chinese—North Korean border, believes the new restrictions on markets are designed to boost the power of the Workers’ Party and curb the role of the military in the economy.

“The military people control the food sold at the market. Nobody else has the trucks or the access to gasoline to move food around the country. The leadership fears that their economic reforms aren’t working because everything is controlled by the military, and they want to take back control,” Lee said.

For years, there have been accusations that the military was pilfering humanitarian shipments of rice and other aid, keeping the best for its own and selling the rest at markets. Secretly taped video footage obtained last year by human rights workers shows apparently unopened sacks of rice given by the U.S. and other donors being sold illegally at a market in the northern city of Chongjin.

On the open market, a pound of rice costs 15 to 25 cents — an impossible sum for many North Koreans, whose average salary of $1 per month keeps them on the verge of starvation.

Under the new rules, rice, as well as other staples such as corn, is to be sold at public distribution centers at subsidized prices and in rationed quantities. Markets, which have been gradually legalized since 2002, will still be permitted to sell vegetables, produce, clothing and other goods.

Cho Myong Chol, a former North Korean economist who lives in Seoul, said he believed North Korea would continue with market reforms but at a slower pace. “Since the economic reforms in 2002, the gap between the haves and the have—nots has become so extreme that there is an imbalance that is causing social unrest and dissatisfaction. I think they needed to do something about food to keep control.”

It remains to be seen whether the changes will help ordinary North Koreans. The government recently informed U.N. aid officials that it was cutting back their operations and no longer needed large donations of rice and other foodstuffs. Experts believe North Korea is concerned about the U.N. ‘s monitoring requirements and prefers direct aid from countries such as South Korea and China, which place fewer restrictions on donations.

Until the 1990s, the public distribution system introduced by North Korean founder Kim Ii Sung was the hallmark of a nation that claimed to provide its people with everything from rice to shoes. But the system collapsed in the early l990s, exacerbating a famine that killed an estimated 2 million people — about 10% of the population. The public distribution system still operates, but at reduced capacity.

Although North Koreans today buy much of what they need at markets, the government doesn’t like to admit it and insists that the cradle—to—grave system of social welfare remains.

“We are still a communist country. Nothing has changed. I get everything I need through the public distribution system,” said Yoon So Jung, 25, a guide interviewed last week at Mt. Kumgang, one of the few areas of the country open for tourism.

But pressed about her pink windbreaker, Yoon admitted hesitantly, “Well that, I bought at the market.”

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The Big Picture

Tuesday, September 20th, 2005

Korea Times
Andrei Lankov
9/20/2005

North Korea is a country of portraits _ portraits of Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il, that is. The portraits are ubiquitous. They are to be placed in every living room, in every office, in every railway (and, by extension, subway) carriage but, for some reason, not on buses or trolleybuses. The portraits adorn the entrances of all major public buildings, railways stations and schools. Reportedly, in the late 1990s, the largest portrait of Kim Il-sung within the city limits of Pyongyang graced the first department store in the very center of the North Korean capital. The portrait was 15 meters by 11 meters.

North Koreans have been living under the permanent gaze of the Great Leader for more than three decades. In the late 1960s, North Koreans were ordered to place these icons in their homes and offices. By 1972, when Kim’s 60th birthday was lavishly celebrated, North Korea had much greater density of portraits than could ever be found in Stalin’s Russia or Mao’s China _ the two countries that bestowed this peculiar fondness for the Leader’s portraits on Korea.

In the late 1970s, the North Koreans received another set of instructions. They were ordered to display the portraits of Kim Jong-il, the heir designate. This had to be done “unofficially.’’ The propaganda insisted that there was a widespread movement of North Koreans who, purely out of love for the son of their ruler, began to adorn their dwellings with his portraits. Only in the late 1980s did Kim Jong-il’s portraits appear in public space, and from the early 1990s on they have been the same size as those of his father and they are put together in rooms and offices.

All portraits are produced by the Mansudae workshops that specialize in making images of Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il and their relatives. They are framed and glassed (and only the best glass and timber will do!).

In different eras, the Kims were depicted in diverse manners, and these changes tell a lot about changes in ideology and policy. In the 1960s and 1970s, Kim Il-sung wore a Mao suit, stressing the austerity and quasi-military character of the regime. In the mid-1980s, these portraits were replaced with new ones, depicting Kim Il-sung in a Western-type suit. This signalled the relative openness of the regime in the late 1980s. After Kim Il-sung’s death in 1994, the new portraits also showed him in suits (incidentally, these portraits were called a “depiction of the Sun’’ since in his lifetime Kim was “The Sun of the Nation’’). However, from early 2001, Kim Il-sung has appeared in newly issued portraits in the military uniform of a generalissimo.

Kim Jong-il’s portrait also underwent similar changes. Initially he was also depicted in the dark-coloured Mao suit, once his favourite. However, the 2001 version showed him in the grandeur of a Marshal’s uniform. This once again confirmed the importance of the “army-first policy’’ proclaimed by Kim Jong-il, North Korea’s Glorious Marshal who _ unlike a vast majority of North Korean males _ never served in the military himself.

Even within private houses, the portraits are treated with the greatest of care. They are put on one of the walls, and that wall cannot be used for any other images or pinups. There are rules prescribing how exactly these icons should be placed. When a North Korean family moves to another place, they must start by hanging the Kims’ portraits on the wall. Random checks are conducted to make sure that proper care of the portraits is taken.

In the military, the portraits are hung in all rooms in permanent barracks. When a unit departs for a field exercise (as North Korean units do often), the portraits are taken with them. Once the platoon prepares its tent or, more commonly, its dugout, the portraits are placed there, and only after this ritual is the provisional shelter deemed suitable for life.

Oftenl the portraits become an important part of ritual. In schools, students are required to bow to the portraits and express their gratitude to the Great Leader who, in his wisdom and kindness, bestowed such a wonderful life on his subjects. The portraits feature very prominently in marriage ceremonies as well. The couple has to make deep bows to the portraits of the Great Leaders. This tribute is very public and serves as a culmination of the wedding ritual. It does not matter whether the wedding ceremony is held in a public wedding hall or at home.

The portraits are jealously protected. Even incidental damage of the portrait might spell disaster for the culprit. But that is another story…

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Mother of All Mothers: The Leadership Secrets of Kim Jong Il

Wednesday, September 1st, 2004

Atlantic Monthly
B. R. Myers
9/1/2004

You’ve just finished your life’s work, a bold new history of the Watergate burglary in which you manage to prove that the White House was out of the loop, but the ink is hardly dry when an eighteen-minute tape surfaces in a Yorba Linda thrift shop, and soon the whole country is listening to Nixon gangsta-rap about how he personally jimmied the door open. It’s every revisionist’s nightmare, but Bruce Cumings, a history professor at the University of Chicago, has come closest to living it. In a book concluded in 1990 he argued that the Korean War started as “a local affair,” and that the conventional notion of a Soviet-sponsored invasion of the South was just so much Cold War paranoia. In 1991 Russian authorities started declassifying the Soviet archives, which soon revealed that Kim Il Sung had sent dozens of telegrams begging Stalin for a green light to invade, and that the two met in Moscow repeatedly to plan the event. Initially hailed as “magisterial,” The Origins of the Korean War soon gathered up its robes and retired to chambers. The book was such a valuable source of information on Korea in the 1940s, however, that many hoped the author would find a way to fix things and put it back into print.

Instead Cumings went on to write an account of postwar Korea that instances the North’s “miracle rice,” “autarkic” economy, and prescient energy policy (an “unqualified success”) to refute what he calls the “basket-case” view of the country. With even worse timing than its predecessor, Korea’s Place in the Sun (1997) went on sale just as the world was learning of a devastating famine wrought by Pyongyang’s misrule. The author must have wondered if he was snakebit. But now we have a new book, in which Cumings likens North Korea to Thomas More’s Utopia, and this time the wrongheadedness seems downright willful; it’s as if he were so tired of being made to look silly by forces beyond his control that he decided to do the job himself. At one point in North Korea: Another Country (2004) we are even informed that the regime’s gulags aren’t as bad as they’re made out to be, because Kim Jong Il is thoughtful enough to lock up whole families at a time.

The mixture of naiveté and callousness will remind readers of the Moscow travelogues of the 1930s, but Cumings is more a hater of U.S. foreign policy than a wide-eyed supporter of totalitarianism. The book’s apparent message is that North Korea’s present condition can justify neither our last “police action” on the peninsula nor any new one that may be in the offing. It is perhaps a point worth arguing, particularly in view of the mess in Iraq, but Cumings is too emotional to get the job done. His compulsion to prove conservative opinion wrong on every point inspires him to say things unworthy of any serious historian—that there was no crime in North Korea for decades, for example—and to waste space refuting long-forgotten canards and misconceptions. Half a page is given over to deriding American reporters who once mistook Kim Il Sung’s neck growth for a brain tumor—talk about a dead issue.

Cumings is even harder to take when he’s in a good mood. By the time he has noted a vague resemblance between Kim Jong Il and Paul Anka, sniggered about “horny” Korean housewives, and mocked both a tour guide’s English and an African man’s surname (“I dissolved in hysterics”), most readers, with no photograph of the author to go on, will find themselves mentally exchanging his professorial tweeds for a very loud leisure suit. Most offensive of all is the book’s message that we shouldn’t be too hard on the dictatorship in Pyongyang, because human rights aren’t as important to Koreans as to the rest of us.

Does this system promote human freedom? Not from any liberal’s standpoint. But from a Korean standpoint, where freedom is also defined as an independent stance against foreign predators—freedom for the Korean nation—here, the vitriolic judgments do not flow so easily. This is a cardinal virtue among a people that has preserved its integrity and continuity in the same place since the early Christian era … After all, there is one undeniable freedom in North Korea, and that is the freedom to be Korean.

It seems to have slipped the professor’s notice that many countries manage to stay independent without dragging children off to gulags, and that North Korea is a place where a lot of characteristically Korean behavior—speaking bluntly, for example—is punishable by execution. The only significant part of the culture that can be freely indulged under Kim is its ethnocentric streak, which is what Cumings all but reduces it to; confusing cause and effect, he sees propaganda as the reflection of the popular soul instead of (to use Stalin’s metaphor) the engineer of it. The Korean people have always been more outward-looking than their insecure leaders, and for centuries this was especially true of those in the northern part of the peninsula. Even in the months after our disgraceful bombing campaign during the war—a campaign that Cumings rightly calls a holocaust—diplomats in Pyongyang noted no signs of indiscriminate xenophobia.

This was soon to change. Throughout the 1950s the regime resorted to crude racism in its anti-American propaganda, often treating inset eyes, big noses, and other Caucasian features as the manifestation of villainy. To the consternation of the diplomatic community, little effort was made to enlighten people about the existence of friendly big-noses, even though—as this spring’s Cold War International History Project bulletin makes clear—North Korea’s cities were rebuilt and its people fed and cared for with enormous amounts of assistance from Eastern Europe. “They expect foreign countries,” one Hungarian diplomat noted, “to give them everything.” Reading the CWIHP bulletin has the odd effect of making one realize what a relatively sensible bunch of people the Soviets were. In the mid-1950s they opposed Kim Il Sung’s brutal collectivization of agriculture; Kim brushed off their advice, only to demand food aid when a murderous famine ensued.

The more the regime evinced its incompetence by relying on foreigners, the more it needed to restrict the people’s contact with them. By the 1960s the party line had taken a turn that reminded a Soviet diplomat of Nazi Germany, as citizens who married Europeans were banished to the provinces for “crimes against the Korean race.” A diplomatic report translated in the CWIHP bulletin shows how the masses finally got into the spirit of things. In March of 1965 the Cuban ambassador was driving his family and some Cuban doctors around Pyongyang when they stopped to take pictures. Hundreds of adults and children quickly swarmed the diplomatic limousine, pounding it with their fists, tearing the flag off, and ordering the occupants to get out. Their rage and insults, directed mainly at the ambassador “as a black man,” abated only when a security force arrived to beat back the mob with rifle butts. (Not for nothing did Eldridge Cleaver say that the North Korean police made him miss the Oakland police.)

“The level of training of the masses is extremely low,” a party official later admitted to the ambassador. “They cannot differentiate between friends and foes.” In other words, everything was going as planned. The regime went on to blur the distinction further by excising all mention of outside assistance from the history books, even as it continued to squeeze billions of dollars from its cash-strapped allies. For decades a foreign proletariat toiling in dingy factories from Vladivostok to Karl-Marx-Stadt helped bankroll Pyongyang’s transformation into a proud monument to ethnic self-reliance, so that someday a Bruce Cumings could boast that it is anything but the ugly Communist capital one might expect. Well into the 1980s Kim was telling leaders of aid-donating states that he was having trouble meeting the basic needs of his people. If South Korea’s dictatorships were America’s running dogs, then North Korea was the Eastern bloc’s house cat: intractable, convinced of its superiority, and to some observers a more independent creature, but never much good at feeding itself—even after the can openers started falling silent in 1989.

The question of where Europe ends and Asia begins has troubled many people over the years, but here’s a rule of thumb: if someone can pose as an expert on the country in question without knowledge of the relevant language, it’s part of Asia. Europeans hoping to lay claim to North Korea should therefore brace themselves, because Bradley Martin’s publisher is touting Under the Loving Care of the Fatherly Leader (2004) as the definitive work on its subject, though it belongs squarely in the “a puzzled look crossed the faces of my guide and interpreter” tradition of monoglot scholarship. Although hardly definitive, it is still an excellent book, well researched and lucidly written. It is especially refreshing to find someone showing serious interest in North Korean propaganda instead of merely hooting at it.

The problem is that the official translations on which Martin was forced to rely do not always reflect the original. Kim Il Sung’s title Eobeoi Suryeong means not “Fatherly Leader”—a common rendering that encourages Martin to exaggerate the influence of Confucianism on the personality cult—but “Parent Leader,” the most feminine title the regime could get away with. As the country’s visual arts make clear, Kim was more a mother to his people than a stern Confucian patriarch: he is still shown as soft-cheeked and solicitous, holding weeping adults to his expansive bosom, bending down to tie a young soldier’s bootlaces, or letting giddy children clamber over him. The tradition continues under Kim Jong Il, who has been called “more of a mother than all the mothers in the world.” His military-first policy may come with the title of general, but reports of his endless tour of army bases focus squarely on his fussy concern for the troops’ health and comfort. The international ridicule of his appearance is thus as unfair as it is tedious. Anyone who has seen a crowd of Korean mothers waiting outside an examination hall will have no difficulty recognizing Kim’s drab parka and drooping shoulders, or the long-suffering face under the pillow-swept perm: this is a mother with no time to think of herself. When it comes to the Workers’ Party, the symbolism is even more explicit, as in this recent propaganda poem:

Ah, Korean Workers’ Party, at whose
breast only
My life begins and ends
Be I buried in the ground or strewn
to the wind
I remain your son, and again return to
your breast!
Entrusting my body to your
affectionate gaze,
Your loving outstretched hand,
I cry out forever in the voice of a child,
Mother! I can’t live without Mother!

It’s easy to imagine what Carl Jung would have made of all this, and he would have been right. Whereas Father Stalin set out to instill revolutionary consciousness into the masses (to make them grow up, in other words), North Korea’s Mother Regime appeals to the emotions of a systematically infantilized people. Although the propaganda may seem absurd at a remove, it speaks more forcefully to the psyche than anything European communism could come up with. As a result, North Korea’s political culture has weathered the economic collapse so well that even refugees remain loyal to the memory of Kim Il Sung.

The Yangs, for example, are former Party members who recently defected to the South with their two boys. As part of a campaign to prevent the formation of a refugee ghetto in Seoul, the family was resettled in Mungyeong, a charmless sprawl of apartment blocks and love hotels a few hours to the southeast. I visited them there in May. As we sat on the floor of their tiny living room, I told them how a young refugee once shrank from my approach because—as she later explained—I looked like the stick-nosed Yankee effigies she used to run knives into after school. “Yes, you do have …” the mother shouted over the general laughter, but she caught herself in time. Turning to the older boy, who is sixteen, I asked what wisdom he could remember from the Parent Leader. “Man is the master of his own destiny,” he said shyly, his voice trailing off. What about his parents? “We didn’t memorize sentences,” the mother said, embarrassed, so I asked her to explain Kim Il Sung’s ideology of Juche for me in her own words. “The main thing is, man is the master of his destiny,” she said briskly. “And?” I asked. Silence. “Well,” I said, “if people are the masters of their destiny, why do they need a leader?” The younger boy came to his mother’s aid: “It was something about flowers needing the sun to grow.” Everyone frowned at my pen scratching away; they were letting the Parent Leader down. “It wasn’t so much what Kim Il Sung said,” the father blurted out at last.

This is of course true. Expanses of tautological prose have been ghostwritten to fatten the spines of the two Kims’ collected works, but few people ever read them. North Korea is a unique socialist country in that its ruling ideology is conveyed through what is written about its leaders, not by them, and the message could hardly be simpler: Foreigners bad, Koreans good, Leader best. “The most important thing to us was that Kim Il Sung suffered for the people; he fought for us,” the boys’ mother said. With a start I realized that this elegant fortyish woman, who now sells American cosmetics for a living, had tears in her eyes. “The Leader would sit on the ground with farmers, just like we’re sitting here now. And if he shook someone’s hand, that person would be happy forever. Of course, Kim Jong Il is not like that.” Conversation turned to the railway explosion in the North at the end of April, and to the regime’s immediate focus on the material damage. “It’s because Kim Jong Il never suffered,” the father said bitterly. “What does he know about the common people?”

It would appear that Kim knows just enough. The border with China remains so porous that even children often sneak back and forth, and yet no more than three or four percent of the population has chosen to flee for good. The regime obviously did the smart thing by publicly acknowledging the food shortage and then blaming it on American sanctions, instead of pretending there was no food shortage at all, as Stalin used to do. The Dear Leader has also deftly exploited the tradition according to which Koreans care for their parents in old age: the masses are told that it is their job to feed him, not the other way around, and his famed diet of “whatever the troops are eating” is routinely invoked to shame everyone into working harder. Never has a dictator been such an object of pity to his people, or such a powerful source of guilt. In 2003 North Korean cheerleaders, living it up on a rare visit to a sports event in the South, responded to a rain-soaked picture of Kim by bursting into a hysterical lament that baffled their hosts.

To concede the effectiveness of the personality cult is not to agree with Selig S. Harrison’s startling assertion, in Korean Endgame (2002), that Koreans have a “built-in readiness … to accept as truth what is dispensed from higher authority.” No regime ever needed to subject its citizens to a lifetime of brainwashing in order to make them follow their natural inclinations. What must be acknowledged is that Kim Jong Il has evinced a genius for propaganda ever since managing the efflorescence of his father’s cult in the 1960s. Even so, he cannot cover his lack of charisma completely; it’s as if Hitler died and left the Third Reich to Goebbels.

Kim must also be aware that the infantilization of the people has come at a price. Away from Pyongyang’s carefully monitored tourist sites, North Korea is a much more raucous place than any dictator could be comfortable with. “One surprising thing,” Michael Breen writes in Kim Jong Il: North Korea’s Dear Leader (2004), “surprising because you expect robots, is … how frequently fights break out.” According to refugees, even women fight out their differences, and young female teachers are said to hit children the hardest. This lack of restraint is a problem for many North Koreans trying to adjust to life in the South. Social workers complain that the refugees pick fights with strangers, and storm off jobs on the first day. “I’d have thought they’d be better at controlling themselves, coming from a socialist system,” is a common lament.

In short, the conventional Western view of North Korea’s official culture as a stodgy combination of Confucianism and Stalinism—two ideologies that prize intellectual self-discipline above all else—could not be further from the truth. Fortuitously enough, this view has so far encouraged Americans to stay cool in the face of Kim Jong Il’s missile-rattling. But misperceptions of hostile regimes are inherently dangerous, especially when Uncle Sam is doing the misperceiving, and this one has as much potential to excite tensions as to reduce them. On August 18, 1976, a detail of U.S. and South Korean soldiers at the DMZ were pruning a tree when People’s Army soldiers demanded that they stop. The Americans refused, prompting the North Koreans to wrest away their tools. In the ensuing clash two American officers were killed. Unable to conceive that Communist troops could act out of spontaneous rage, Washington assumed that Kim Il Sung had ordered the incident. Troops were set on high alert, and nuclear-capable B-52s dispatched to skirt North Korean airspace. Luckily for everyone, the Parent Leader issued an apology for his children on August 21. As the Americans saw it, of course, Kim had “backed down.”

Perhaps the most unsettling thing about the nuclear accord brokered by Jimmy Carter in 1994 is the decade of crowing it set off in North Korea. A high-school textbook remembers, “The Great Leader dragged the Americans, who had fallen into a state of extreme terror and unease, to the negotiating table … All problems discussed during the talks between America and Korea were resolved to Korea’s advantage, and the intense nuclear standoff ended in our victory.” This is evidently sincerely believed; if it weren’t, the North Koreans would not still be so enamored of Carter and Robert Gallucci, the chief U.S. negotiator back then. Both men—and this must thrill them no end—are praised in propaganda literature as fervent admirers of Kim Il Sung.

It is reassuring, then, to read in Harrison’s book that the agreement actually represented a victory of high-ranking North Korean “doves” over their hardline colleagues. I just wish he had explained why even the most hawkish propagandists remember it so fondly. What bothers me more is the author’s insistence on interpreting the two Kims’ every act as part of a rational pursuit of national security. We are told, for example, that the deployment of atomic weapons in South Korea in 1958 frightened Pyongyang into starting its own nuclear program. As the CWIHP bulletin makes clear, however, Eastern European diplomats in the early 1960s were aghast at the North Koreans’ assertions that a nuclear confrontation was nothing to be afraid of, and that the time had come for another invasion of the South. It is by no means certain that this sort of adventurist thinking has been abandoned. In a propaganda novel set in 1993, Kim Jong Il and his generals regard a likely American air strike on the Yongbyeon nuclear facility as the perfect opportunity for a “sacred war” (seongjeon) of reunification. Harrison ignores such things, which may well be better than overreacting to them; but to approach North Korea as if it were the détente-era Soviet Union is asking for trouble. When he gets his next update on the hawk-dove struggle from officials in Pyongyang, a city where most foreigners count themselves lucky to learn their tour guide’s name, he should perhaps keep in mind that North Korea has always viewed the existence of similar factions in Washington as the manifestation of a ludicrous disunity. No one under Kim Jong Il would describe his government in such terms to a Yankee visitor unless the goal were to extract more concessions from the outside world.

Considering that for decades the North Koreans refused to listen to their own allies, it seems naive for the author of Korean Endgame to assume that what Washington does “will largely determine what the North … will do.” The Juche regime has received substantial U.S. aid since the famine, but the dominant slogans of anti-American prop-aganda remain “A hundred thousand times revenge” and “A jackal can never become a lamb.” In other words, even as the regime tells the outside world it wants nothing but better relations with Washington, it tells its own people that better relations are neither desirable nor conceivable. In January of 2003 Pyongyang issued a taunting poster of a missile attack on the Capitol.Later that year, with the six-party talks in progress, an old tale of murderous missionaries was reprinted in four North Korean magazines, complete with racist caricatures.

Still, the thrust of Harrison’s book is valid.

The goal of the United States should be to disengage its forces gradually … over a period not longer than ten years, whether or not this can be done as part of a negotiated arms-control process … The stage would then be cleared, as it were, with the initiative left to Seoul and Pyongyang. Washington would have its hopes and its advice but would recede into an unaccustomed posture of detachment, ready to let the two actors make their own mistakes.

This is excellent counsel. Far from being a stabilizing factor on the peninsula, the U.S. presence serves only to rally the North Koreans around their military-first government. As Harrison makes clear, this is no time to get sentimental about our old ally. Seoul asks that U.S. troops stay, but at the same time it poses as a neutral mediator of the resulting tensions, often playing down the nuclear threat just as Pyongyang seems bent on playing it up; a disastrous miscommunication among the three parties seems all but preordained. It is a shame that Harrison does not place greater stress on the need to extricate our troops even if the arms-control process fails, because it’s hard to see how it can succeed. Kim Jong Il refused to let South Korean doctors tend to blinded children after the North’s railway explosion last spring; such a pathologically secretive man must be expected to balk at an early stage in the verification of nuclear dismantlement, no matter what agreement he has signed. Washington will then renege on its part of the bargain, prompting Seoul to voice regret over American “intransigence.” This, in turn, will embolden the North to demand a re-negotiation of the point in question, and we will all be right back where we started, albeit with even more nukes to worry about.

In the meantime, anything can happen. Having predicted the speedy downfall of the regime back in 1994, Pyongyang-watchers now predict that it will be around forever, but North Korea is already well into a precarious post-totalitarian phase. Thousands of citizens in border regions chat with refugees by smuggled cell phone, and millions more enjoy illegal access to television broadcasts from outside the country. The majority of the population has bought and sold things at open-air markets, and many young people in rural areas have simply stopped attending school and political meetings. The personality cult will find it hard to adjust to this kind of change without routine recourse to anti-American alarmism, and if there are no grounds for confrontation, Kim Jong Il can be expected to create them. All the more reason, then, for America to heed Harrison’s advice and pull out. But will we do so? Our patriotic dash into the Iraqi quagmire hardly inspires confidence that we wouldn’t follow our own Dear Leader into a new conflict in North Korea, especially since the WMD really do look like a “slam dunk” this time.

The only comfort to be had from the new batch of Korea books is provided by Breen’s biography of Kim Jong Il, which details a hedonistic streak as wide as the DMZ. Apparently the dictator lives in a huge palace stocked with Paradis cognac, and every summer a fresh “Joy Brigade” of high school beauties gets to admire the ceiling. Breen waxes indignant about this, but would he rather Kim were sharing a tent with a mountain goat and a well-thumbed Koran? We can all breathe a little easier knowing that our most formidable adversary wants his virgins in the here and now.

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North Korea admits nuclear arsenal

Sunday, November 17th, 2002

BBC
11/17/2002

North Korea has said for the first time that it has nuclear weapons.

A commentary broadcast on state radio said North Korea had developed “powerful military counter-measures, including nuclear weapons” to cope with what it called mounting nuclear threats from the United States.

Last month, Washington announced that North Korea had admitted to having a programme for producing highly-enriched uranium – a key ingredient in nuclear weapons.

But this is the first time the communist state has made such an acknowledgement.

A foreign ministry statement in October said only that the country was “entitled” to have nuclear weapons.

President George Bush has repeatedly called on Pyongyang to eliminate its nuclear programme, saying it is the only way the country can have a viable future.

The BBC’s Charles Scanlon says state media often contains hostile rhetoric and it is not clear how literally the broadcast – which was not attributed – is meant to be taken.

He says for years North Korea has tried to keep the world guessing about its nuclear capabilities.

Pyongyang’s demands

Sunday’s broadcast accused Washington of “slandering and injuring” North Korea.

America’s “reckless manoeuvres”, it said, were threatening the country’s right to existence and sovereignty.

“Under these circumstances we cannot sit idle with our arms folded,” the radio said.

It also repeated Pyongyang’s demands that the US must sign a non-aggression pact, insisting it was the only way to resolve the nuclear issue.

The timing of the broadcast fits in with a pattern of North Korean “confession”, according to Michael Yahuda, professor of International Relations at the London School of Economics and Political Science.

He told BBC News Online, it appeared they wanted to clear the way for talks.

“The US is threatening and, by responding, Pyongyang is sending out a message: ‘We have nuclear weapons as well, so lets find a way to negotiation’,” he said.

Aid stopped

The US defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, said last month that North Korea might have one or two nuclear weapons.

Earlier this week, the US, South Korea, the European Union and Japan agreed to halt fuel aid to North Korea until Pyongyang moved to dismantle the programme.

Under a 1994 accord, North Korea agreed to freeze its nuclear programme in return for 500,000 tonnes of fuel oil a year in aid.

But Washington considers that Pyongyang nullified the 1994 pact when it reportedly admitted to a US envoy that it was trying to build nuclear weapons.

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Progress over Korean transport links

Saturday, September 14th, 2002

BBC
Caroline Gluck
9/14/2002

Military officials from the two Koreas have held talks to discuss carrying out work inside the demilitarised zone separating them, so that cross-border road and rail links can be restored.

These talks – the first of their kind in more than a year and a half – are another sign of improving ties.

The meeting, in the border village of Panmunjom, focused on the technical details of reconnecting cross-border road and rail links, which will pass through the heavily-mined demilitarised zone.

Agreements signed by defence ministers from both countries are needed to guarantee the safety of workers and prevent accidental clashes between the two armies, which have maintained an uneasy truce since the Korean War ended in 1953.

Last month, the two sides set out a timetable for the work, saying they hoped to complete one rail link by the end of the year.

Reunions

At least two more rounds of working-level talks are expected, and officials are confident that agreements will be in place before ground-breaking ceremonies are held in the two Koreas next Wednesday, marking the resumption of work.

The South has agreed to provide construction materials to the North, and in separate meetings held in North Korea officials are discussing the engineering details of the projects.

The two Koreas are still technically at war, but Seoul sees transport links as one of the most powerful symbols of their reconciliation efforts.

High-level talks between the two Koreas resumed last month and have been followed by a series of exchanges.

Limited numbers of elderly relatives from the two Koreas are currently holding emotional reunions in the North after being separated for half-a-century.

They are the fifth round of reunions since the historic Korean summit in June 2000.

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Coming in From the Cold

Thursday, October 25th, 2001

UN PAN
Bertil Lintner
Suh-Kyung Yoon

Pak Ku Po and his companion would not make it in international business circles.  They have no name cards and one of them does not even want to give his name. They claim they know nothing about the place where they are based–“we’re just newcomers here”–but promise to be more forthcoming “the next time we meet.”  Their secretiveness is perhaps understandable as they work for Zokwang Trading, a state-owned North Korean company in Macau, which in the past has been accused of being involved in the distribution of counterfeit money, arms smuggling and terrorist training. North Korea had been accused of state-sponsored terrorism long before Afghanistan decided to give shelter to Osama bin Laden and the seeds of the present conflict in Central Asia were sown.

But now things are supposed to have changed, and Zokwang and other North Korean trading companies–and there are many of them throughout East Asia–claim they are legitimate business operations. Pak, for instance, says that Zokwang is involved mainly in the export of North Korean ginseng to Asian countries, and sweaters and other knitwear to France and Canada. Over the past few years, North Korea has embarked on a vigorous commercial drive across the globe, and, for the first time, it is making serious attempts to attract foreign investment. Is Pyongyang finally turning to capitalism to save the world’s last Stalinist state?

The main question is whether this change in attitude will, in the long run, also change North Korea’s economy and society–as similar initiatives by the Chinese communists in the late 1970s have begun to transform China. Or will more hard currency in the state’s coffers only serve to delay the collapse of one of the world’s most atavistic regimes, thus prolonging the suffering of the North Korean people? And have North Korean businesses overseas really become legitimate? Or are they still peddling fake bank notes, drugs and ballistic-missile technology? This is an important issue going forward because the United States has made it clear it will track down all sources of funding for terrorists in future–and now that other sources are drying up,lesser-known alternatives may come into vogue.

There is little doubt that the sale of ballistic-missile technology in violation of the Missile Technology Control Regime and, more generally, the export of weapons to terrorist organizations and the states that harbour them, is far more lucrative than all of Pyongyang’s legitimate commercial ventures put together. But it is equally true that the international war on terrorism will only make such sales more difficult with every passing day.

Ri To Sop, North Korean consul general at the recently established diplomatic mission in Hong Kong, is firm in his assurances. “Our Dear Leader has told us that this is a new millennium, and that we should not do things in the old way. There will be changes. Just wait and see,” he says. The “Dear Leader,” North Korea’s reclusive supremo, Kim Jong Il, visited China in May this year, where his hosts took him to see the stock exchange in Shanghai. In July, he embarked on a 10-day epic train journey through Siberia to Moscow and St. Petersburg, where he visited sites commemorating the 1917 communist revolution, but also held talks with Russia’s new, born-again capitalist leadership. The trip was hailed by South Korean Foreign Minister Han Seung Soo: “[This is] a very positive development because it is an indication that North Korea is willing to open up.”

The main force behind North Korea’s commercial drive is, perhaps not surprisingly, the country’s powerful military. In June, a North Korean defector described the North Korean People’s Army as the country’s biggest “foreign-exchange earner.” From early spring this year, servicemen have been made to engage in a variety of export-oriented projects including mushroom harvesting, gold mining, medicinal-herb collection and crab fishing.

The ruling Korean Workers’ Party is also reported to be operating more than 40 restaurants in six countries as a means of raising hard currency. The first North Korean eatery opened in Austria as early as in March 1986, but in recent years more have followed in China, Russia and Indonesia. According to South Korean intelligence, North Korea will soon open restaurants also in Bulgaria and Australia.

Even more imaginatively, the Dongkong Foreign Trade Corporation in the Chinese city of Dandong, just across the border from North Korea, acquired in September the exclusive right to sell North Korean medicines in the international market–including a brand called Cheongchun No. 1, which is a home-made North Korean version of Viagra.

EFFORTS PAYING OFF
In Thailand, a North Korean-owned company, Wolmyongsan Progress Joint Venture, has for years been engaged in mining activities near the Burmese border in Kanchanaburi, west of Bangkok, while Kosun Import-Export, which is based in the Thai capital itself, is permitted to trade in rice, rubber, paper, tapioca and clothing.  Kosun is located in a discreet office on the top floor of an eight-storey building in a Bangkok suburb. The company is also involved in property, apparently owning the building and renting out flats and office space.

At first glance, it seems that North Korea’s dive into the world of capitalism is paying off. North Korea does not release any trade or economic figures, but according to data collected by South Korea’s state-run Korea Trade-Investment Promotion Agency, or Kotra, from the North’s main trading partners–China, Japan, Thailand and Hong Kong–its external trade in 2000 jumped by 33.1% to $1.96 billion from a year earlier.  It was the second straight year that North Korea saw its trade volume expand and that, too, at a much higher rate than the modest 2.6% increase in 1999.

Kotra is now actively promoting more trade with North Korea. In April this year, the agency published a fact book on how to do business in the Stalinist state, complete with useful phone numbers in Pyongyang and the complete text, in English, of all new laws relating to foreign trade and investment. South Korea’s interest in the development of the impoverished north is understandable. Since South Korean President Kim Dae Jung undertook his historic journey to Pyongyang in June last year, the question of a reunification of the Korean peninsula has become much more urgent–and the South Koreans are painfully aware of the wide income gap between the North and the South.

“Unless we help North Korea develop and strengthen its economy, both countries would collapse if they were reunited,” says a South Korean diplomat on condition of anonymity. “The South would not be able to take care of the North. The gap is just too wide today.” The cost of reunification was first discussed in South Korea shortly after East and West Germany–at a tremendous price–became one country in 1990. According to Marcus Noland, a researcher at the Institute for International Economics, Washington, South Korea would have to invest as much as $3.17 trillion in order to avoid an abrupt influx of people to the South and to upgrade living standards in the North–significantly more than West Germany had to pay to raise living standards in East Germany to an acceptable level.

A closer look at Kotra’s upbeat trade figures for North Korea also reveals a somewhat less rosy picture. In 2000, North Korea exported $556 million worth of machinery and chemical goods–while importing $1.4 billion worth of food, computers and vehicles. The North’s perennial trade deficit is expected to worsen this year as the country has to increase imports of rice, corn and other grains. According to the Bank of Korea, North Korea’s foreign debt totals $12.3 billion and Pyongyang’s credit rating is the lowest in the world.

There is no doubt that it is the dire straits that North Korea has found itself in which have forced its government to resort to commerce, not any real change of mind in the inviolability of the country’s austere socialist system. According to a study by Heather Smith and Yiping Huang of the Australian National University, the present food crisis in North Korea was caused by the disruption in trading ties with former communist allies in the late 1980s. The former Soviet Union ceased providing aid in 1987. More devastatingly, they emphasize, both the former Soviet Union in 1990 and China in 1993 demanded that North Korea pay standard international prices for goods, and that it pay in hard currency rather than through barter trade, as previously had been the case. This affected petroleum imports to the degree that they declined from 506,000 tonnes in 1989 to 30,000 tonnes in 1992.

Subsequently, North Korea embarked on its overseas capitalist ventures. According to a Western diplomat who follows developments in North Korea, the country’s embassies abroad were mobilized to raise badly needed foreign exchange. This, he says, was done partly in the name of the diplomats themselves, or through locally established trading companies, which in reality are offshoots of bigger, Pyongyang-based state trading corporations. “Not only do the embassies have to be self-sufficient, they are also expected to send money back to the government in Pyongyang,” the diplomat says. “How they raise money is immaterial. It can be by legal or illegal means. And it’s often done by abusing diplomatic privileges.”

The sad truth is that the North Koreans are desperate and prepared to do anything to make money, and Bangkok seems to be emerging as a centre for many of their activities. Western intelligence officials based in the Thai capital are aware of the import and sale of luxury cars, which are brought in duty-free by North Korean diplomats. Another way of raising money is to insure a cargo consignment at a disproportionate level, and then report the goods lost. “This is usually done through international insurance markets, and there is little the companies can do but to pay up,” the diplomat says.

And earlier this year, fake $100 notes turned up in Bangkok. The police believed that the North Korean embassy was responsible as some of its diplomats were caught trying to deposit the forgeries in local banks. The North Korean diplomats were warned not to try it again. In a more novel enterprise, the North Koreans in Bangkok were reported to be buying second-hand mobile phones–and sending them in diplomatic pouches to Bangladesh, where they were resold to customers who cannot afford new ones.

And even where businesses tend to be more legitimate, North Korea has managed to attract some rather unusual investors. As early as 1991, the North Koreans established a “free economic and trade zone” in Rajin-Sonbong along the Tumen River near the border with China and Russia. Some 746 square kilometres were set aside for “foreign capitalists”–but there have been very few takers apart from pro-Pyongyang ethnic Koreans from Japan, who have invested because of patriotic duty rather than any expectations of quick returns. In fact, there is only one major foreign investor in the entire zone: Hong Kong entrepreneur Albert Yeung Sau Shing, who controls the Emperor Group, which has interests in gold, securities, property and entertainment in Hong Kong and China as well as a banking venture in Cambodia.

In October 1999, Yeung opened the $180 million Seaview Casino Hotel in Rajin-Sonbong. Although locals are banned from entering the establishment, the Emperor Group is betting that wealthy Chinese and Russians will come there to gamble. The casino has 52 slot machines and 16 gaming tables offering everything from blackjack and baccarat to roulette. In Hong Kong, Yeung is best remembered for his acquittal at his dramatic trial for criminal intimidation in 1995 when all five witnesses called by the prosecution testified that they did not remember anything. Yeung was accused of having kept a former employee prisoner after threatening to break his leg. Even the victim himself said he could not remember what had happened.

In the same year, Macau gambling tycoon Stanley Ho also opened a casino in North Korea, but in the capital itself. Ho’s $30 million Casino Pyongyang is located in the Yanggakdo Hotel, where his partner is Macau businessman Wong Sing-wa. His company, the Talented Dragon Investment Firm, in 1990 became Pyongyang’s unofficial consulate in Macau with authority to issue North Korean visas.

Wong, who has interests in several Macau casinos, made headlines in early 1998, when a Lisbon-based weekly newspaper, the Independent, protested over his presence in a delegation from Macau that was being received by the Portuguese president. The paper cited a Macau official as saying that Wong had “no criminal record, but we have registered information that links him to organized crime” in Macau.

With such business partners, it is obvious that the North Koreans have a long way to go before they acquire a better understanding of how capitalism really works. Nor has North Korea, despite its efforts, managed to attract a large number of new investors.  In July this year, a delegation of representatives from 17 Hong Kong companies went to North Korea on a trip initiated by the new consulate in the special administrative region. But though they showed some interest, no commitments were made.

LITTLE BUSINESS INTEREST
In October, the Singapore Confederation of Industry sent a 25-member delegation to North Korea to look into business opportunities, but little investment is expected from there as well. In recent years, only one Singapore company, Maxgro Holdings, has concluded a joint-venture agreement with North Korea. Maxgro intends to plant 80 million paulownia trees on 20,000 hectares of state-owned land and the project is meant to produce wood for furniture, veneers and musical instruments. But at a value of only $23 million, it is hardly going to turn things around in North Korea.

And, as the fake dollars in circulation in Bangkok show, old habits die hard. In fact, North Korea’s main export item remains ballistic-missile technology. There are especially two North Korean companies that have attracted the attention of Western diplomats: the Changgwang Sinyong Corporation and the Lyongaksan General Trading Company.

In the 1990s, Changgwang was sanctioned by the U.S. government for exporting ballistic-missile technology to Pakistan. In July this year, Changgwang was once again sanctioned by Washington, this time for providing Iran with the same technology. According to Western diplomats, Lyongaksan, which like Changgwang is controlled by the North Korean military, sends people under commercial cover to countries such as Syria and Libya, where they in reality sell weapons systems. According to a report which the Seoul-based Korean Institute for Defence Analyses released in April, North Korea has exported at least 540 missiles to Libya, Iraq and other Middle East countries since 1985.

Libya recently bought 50 Rodong-1 missiles with a range of 1,000 kilometres. Cash-starved North Korea has not hesitated to sell weapons to whoever wants to buy them, including terrorist groups. A video of an attack last year by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam on a Sri Lankan navy vessel shows speedboats which appeared to be of North Korean origin. The rebels also appeared to be using a North Korean variant of the Russian 107 millimetre Katysha rocket launcher. And in late 1990, North Korea sold Burma 20 million rounds of 7.62 millimetre rifle ammunition, which intelligence sources say ended up in the hands of the United Wa State Army, a drug-trafficking group which is active in the Burmese sector of the golden triangle.

While the world is focusing on the terrorist threat from Afghanistan, North Korea’s potential for mischief has been almost overlooked. But in testimony on April 17 this year, Deputy CIA Director John E. McLaughlin warned: “North Korea’s challenge to regional and global security is magnified by two . . . factors . . . first the North’s pursuit of weapons of mass destruction and long-range missiles, and its readiness–and eagerness–to become missile salesman to the world. And second, the economic and humanitarian disaster that has afflicted the people of the North–a catastrophe whose effects will endure for generations, no matter how the Korean situation finally plays out.”

Unlike North Korea’s more mainstream trading companies, its sale of ballistic-missile technology and military hardware raises millions of dollars, which–minus commissions for the North Korean “businessmen” in the field–flow back into Pyongyang’s coffers. “There is no evidence to suggest that this money is used to put food upon the tables of North Korea’s starving people,” quips a Western diplomat.

North Korea, which depends on international aid to feed its people, has imported $340 million worth of military hardware over the past decade, according to South Korean security officials. This may be less in absolute terms than what South Korea spends on its military. But the much-poorer North spends 14.3% of the country’s GDP on its military compared to the 3.1% spent by the South.

So, for the time being, missiles rather than mushrooms make up the backbone of the North Korea’s exports. If some capitalist seeds have been sown during the present drive to shore up the economy, it will take some time for a new business mentality to emerge. Kim Jong Il, it seems, is not yet about to become another Deng Xiaoping.  But in a world ever more concerned with the spread of biological, chemical and nuclear weapons, states that are known, or suspected, to possess them will find themselves facing intense scrutiny–if not outright isolation. North Korea, thus, has very good reason to come in from the cold.

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Kwangmyongsong No. 1 “satellite” compendium

Friday, July 31st, 1998

Kwangmyongsong-1-1998-8

Pictured above: A model of the satellite in the 3 Revolutionas exhibition in Pyongyang.

On 1998-8-31 the DPRK tested its first long-range rocket. As had been done in other countries before, the test was made to appear as an attempted satellite launch. Below are key articles from KCNA at the time and additional information. More information can be found at the Wikipedia page.

KCNA announced the story on 2013-9-7:

Rodong Sinmun on successful launch of “Kwangmyongsong No. 1”

Pyongyang, September 7 (KCNA) — The scientists and technicians of Korea succeeded in putting the first artificial satellite into orbit. This is a present of their loyalty to General Secretary Kim Jong Il. This also demonstrates the fixed faith of the Korean people to build a strong and prosperious country of Juche, rallied close around him. Rodong Sinmun today stresses this in a lengthy editorial article captioned “warm congratulations on successful launch of the first artificial satellite ‘Kwangmyongsong No. 1’.”

The daily says: The successful launch of the first artificial satellite “Kwangmyongsong No.1” in Korea demonstrated the inexhaustible potentials of Juche Korea. It is a significant event that set up a new milestone in the building of a strong and prosperous socialist country. It is an all-round crystal of the strength of the DPRK, independent in politics, self-sufficient in the economy and self-reliant in national defence, and the highest peak of Juche-based science and technology. The recent auspicious event is a solemn gunreport of the building of a strong and prosperous country. The launch, a historic event, gives the confidence in the final victory and optimism to the Korean people on an arduous socialist forced march. It is of weighty importance in exploring new areas of our science and technology. The launch makes it possible to lay solid foundations for the launch of practical satellites. It is thanks to the guidance of Kim Jong Il that a huge army of competent scientists and technicians and a reliable scientific research have been built and proud successes of science and technology have been gained. The recently-launched carrier rocket and artificial satellite have been developed by our wisdom, technology and local materials 100 percent. The recent launch proves that no doubt, our science and technology are on the level of those of advanced countries–it fully demonstrates the advantages of socialism over capitalism. We will go in advance of imperialism in science and technology and win victory of Korean socialism.

KCNA offered an update on 2013-9-8:

“Kwangmyongsong No. 1” revolves round earth

Pyongyang, September 8 (KCNA) — The first artificial satellite of the DPRK launched at Musudan-ri, Hwadae county, North Hamgyong Province, on August 31 is now revolving round the earth. The multi-stage carrier rocket and satellite launched by Korean scientists and technicians were developed with local strength, wisdom and technology 100 percent.

Today’s edition of Rodong Sinmun carries an interview with scientists and technicians involved in the satellite launch and a sketch map of the carrier rocket launching test. The first and second rocket stages are made up of liquid rocket engines and the third stage an engine with highly efficient solid fuel. The control mechanism of the rocket is a product of advanced science and technology, including computers.

The first stage was separated from the rocket 95 seconds after the launch and fell on the open waters of the East Sea of Korea 253 km off the launching station, that is 40 degrees 51 minutes north latitude 132 degrees 40 minutes east longitude. The second stage opened the capsule in 144 seconds, separated itself from the rocket in 266 seconds and fell on the open waters of the Pacific 1,646 km off from the launching station, that is 40 degrees 13 minutes north latitude 149 degrees 07 minutes east longitude. The third stage put the satellite into orbit 27 seconds after the separation of the second stage.

The purpose and mission of the rocket were accomplished at the first launch. This demonstrates the might of science and technology of Juche and proves the high level of the technology of development and manufacture of the carrier rocket. General Secretary Kim Jong Il sent thanks to the scientists, technicians and workers who contributed to the successful launch of the satellite.

KCNA also offered this interview with the scientists on 1998-9-8:

Scientists outline launch of artificial satellite

Pyongyang, September 8 (KCNA) — Rodong Sinmun today carries its reporter’s interview with scientists about the process of the development of an artificial satellite and its prospect together with a sketch map showing the satellite carrier rocket launching test.

Academician, Prof. and Dr. Kwon Tong Hwa, Kim Il Sung order winner, labour hero and deputy to the Supreme People’s Assembly, who was involved in the launch said that the DPRK has long since developed the science and technology of artificial satellites and laid its solid industrial foundation, not boasting of it. He explained the background of the launch of the satellite: Under the wise guidance of General Secretary Kim Jong Il, the DPRK has developed a multi-stage rocket capable of carrying an artificial satellite already in the 1980s and made remarkable successes in researches into satellites as well. When he was alive, the President Kim Il Sung said that it was high time for the DPRK to launch an artificial satellite. All preparations for the launch had been completed in Korea already at the beginning of the 1990s. As instructed by Kim Jong Il, the first artificial satellite was launched to significantly adorn the first session of the 10th Supreme People’s Assembly and the 50th anniversary of the founding of the DPRK. This was a historic event which made the Korean people and the world know about the might of the local industry and science and technology of satellites the DPRK has independently developed without boasting of it. Candidate academician, Prof. and Dr. Han Hae Chol, Kim Haeng Gyong and other scientists, who were involved in the launch of the artificial satellite “Kwangmyongsong No. 1,” referred to the purpose of the launch: First, it is to master the technology of putting a satellite correctly into orbit with a multi-stage carrier rocket. Second, it is to perfect the structural engineering design of a multi-stage carrier rocket and its control technology. Third, it is to study the circumstances of the space and verify if electronic devices correctly operate in the space. Fourth, it is to complete the observation system of the carrier rocket and satellite. For this purpose, necessary observation devices were installed at the carrier rocket and satellite. With the successful launch of the satellite, necessary tests were made in the space and a solid foundation was laid to launch a practical satellite. It also provided a turning-point for establishing satellite observation and telecommunications systems in the DPRK. The scientists chose the sky above Tsugaru strait between Hokkaido and Honshu, Japan, as the trajectory of the recent artificial satellite launch. The carrier rocket was equipped with a device with which to lead the rocket to a safe area and explode it in case the flying rocket is deviated from the expected trajectory. Through the recent success the scientists are convinced of the reliability of the carrier rocket before anything else. The success demonstrated the perfect efficiency of the multistage carrier rocket. A scientist Kim Haeng Gyong who had participated in the launch said the carrier rocket correctly flied along the theoretically expected trajectory and that all the apparatuses of the artificial satellite are working properly after it was put into orbit. Scientists said scientific foundations were laid for the immediate launch of practical satellites and the development and use of telecommunications satellites have been made possible. The artificial satellite moving along its own orbit sends them survey data, including temperature, pressure and conditions of power source, they said. The sketch map of the test launch of the carrier rocket of the artificial satellite shows where the carrier rocket was separated stage by stage and where the separated parts of the rocket dropped. It shows that the first stage was separated from the rocket 95 seconds after the launch, in the air 35.9 kilometres high and 19.5 kilometres off the launching station, that the second stage separated itself from the rocket in 266 seconds, in the air 204 kilometres high and 450.5 kilometres off the launching station and that the artificial satellite was put into orbit in 293 seconds, at the speed of 8,980 metres per second, in the air 239.2 kilometres high and 587.9 kilometres off the launching station. It also shows that the first stage separated from the rocket fell 253 kilometres off the launching station, that is 40 degrees 51 minutes north latitude 132 degrees 40 minutes east longitude and that the second stage fell 1,646 kilometres off the launching station, that is 40 degrees 13 minutes north latitude 149 degrees 07 minutes east longitude.

KCNA also reported on Kim Jong-il’s letter of thanks to the scientists on 1998-9-8:

Kim Jong Il sends message of thanks to scientists, technicians and workers

Pyongyang, September 8 (KCNA) — The great leader Kim Jong Il, General Secretary of the Workers’ Party of Korea and Chairman of the DPRK National Defence Commission, sent a message of thanks to scientists, technicians and workers who had contributed to the successful launch of the artificial satellite “Kwangmyongsong No.1”. In the message Kim Jong Il says it is a brilliant victory of the WPK’s policy of attaching importance to science and technology that they correctly put into orbit at one launch the artificial satellite which requires the latest know-how. It is also a proud fruition of the wise leadership of the WPK that has energetically guided the work of training technical personnel of the nation and developing the nation’s science and technology, he adds. The message says: The carrier rocket and artificial satellite successfully developed, manufactured and launched by our scientists, technicians and workers, clearly demonstrated the potentials of the independent national economy which our people have cemented with all efforts for scores of years. And they proved once again that self-reliance is the only way for our victorious progress. The successful launch of the satellite gives the Korean p0ople high pride and confidence in that it came amid grim trials caused by the imperialists’ hostile activities, the message says. The successful development and launch of the artificial satellite in the DPRK is a great contribution to preserving world peace and enriching the treasure-house of science and technology of humanity, the message says, adding that the scientific activities of the DPRK for peaceful use of the outer space enjoy sympathy and support from progressive people. It urges the scientists and technicians to bring about a new advance in the development of science and technology through devoted efforts, conscious of their great honor and dignity as scientists and technicians of Juche Korea. The scientists and technicians must uphold the socialist motherland with science and technology and creditably discharge their mission and duty in building a powerful state of Juche in Korea, the message emphasizes.

On September 12, KCNA published a response to the Japanese assertion that the DPRK was testing a long-range rocket:

Japanese politicians hit for utterances against international law and usage

Pyongyang, September 12 (KCNA) — The spokesman for the Korean Democratic Lawyers Association today released a statement denouncing the Japanese politicians for recently making utterances against international law and usage, wantonly violating the sovereignty and dignity of the DPRK over the DPRK’s launching of an artificial satellite. The statement says: In the wake of the DPRK’s launching of the first artificial satellite “Kwangmyongsong No.1” politicians of Japan persistently claimed that it was a “missile.” when the successful launching was made clear, they are taking issue with the DPRK, irrespective of international usage and common sense, saying that a missile or an artificial satellite are intolerable because they have a military danger. There can be large, small, developed and developing countries in the world. There is no reason why only a few particular countries can launch artificial satellites in an effort to use the space for peaceful purposes. Japanese politicians ignorant of this internationally-recognised common sense still slander the DPRK. The slander cannot be construed otherwise than an act of betraying their ignorance. Even after the news of the DPRK’s launching of the artificial satellite was reported, they are claiming that it is a “missile.” judging from this, their insistence is not a product of their ignorance of international usage and common sense, but they seek in this to attain a political aim. Japan began the development of artificial satellites from the 1960s. It has launched scores of artificial satellites up to this date from 1975. On September 7 this year it launched a rocket under the pretext of exploring an ozone layer. Worse still, a large number of mass destruction weapons of other countries are deployed in and around the territory of Japan. Japanese politicians are claiming that their own missiles, artificial satellites and mass destruction weapons of other countries have no danger, but our own artificial satellite poses threat to peace and security, and so they cannot tolerate it. Their claim is a brigandish sophism that cannot go down with anyone under the present international order the keynote of which is independence and equality. If they are interested in peace and security in northeast Asia, they must first repent of their stepped-up building of Japan into a military power and apologize to the DPRK for slandering it. If Japan continues acting rashly irrespective of international usage and its own lot, it will meet bitterer condemnation and curses from international community. The Korean democratic lawyers association scathingly condemns Japanese politicians for making utterances wantonly violating the sovereignty and dignity of the DPRK, as well as international law and usage, over the DPRK’s launching of artificial satellite, and presents their misbehaviour to the international community. Japan must be aware of its own lot and act with discretion.

On September 14, KCNA reported that the new satellite had completed 100 revolutions around the globe:

Artificial satellite “Kwangmyongsong No.1” makes 100 rounds of the earth

Pyongyang, September 14 (KCNA) — The artificial satellite “Kwangmyongsong no.1” which had been launched in Korea at 12:07 on August 31 made 100 rounds of the earth between 08:24 and 11:17 on September 13. In the 100th period the satellite passed the DPRK in the air 220 kilometres high via the sky above the northern part of Hawaii, Chile, Argentina and other South American countries, the Atlantic ocean, Namibia, Angola, Democratic Congo, Ethiopia, Pakistan and China. The first artificial satellite of the DPRK successfully made 100 rounds of the earth, demonstrating the potentials of the DPRK which is accelerating the development of the space, an area of ultra-modern science of humankind, in reliance upon national strength and advanced science and technology. The artificial satellite is expected to be seen with the naked eye when it is passing the DPRK in early October.

On September 19, KCNA published a list of supporters of the DPRK’s rocket test:

Fruit of wise guidance of Kim Jong Il

Pyongyang, September 19 (KCNA) — The successful launch of the first artificial satellite “Kwangmyongsong No. 1” in Korea caused a great sensation in the international community. The Minister of State for Mission in the Presidency of Equatorial Guinea said that he keenly felt again the wise guidance of General Secretary Kim Jong Il through the DPRK’s successful launch of the satellite which was made with its own technique. The advisor to the Indonesian President for the non-aligned movement said that Korea’s launch of the first satellite is the fruit of the wise guidance of General Secretary Kim Jong Il. The head of the scientific section of the International Scientific and Technical Information Centre of Russia said that Kim Jong Il has attached importance to science and techniques even under the difficulties and made sure that the satellite was successfully launched. The vice-chairman of the council of the union of communist parties-the Communist Party of the Soviet Union said that the satellite launch of the DPRK is an expression of Kim Jong Il’s boldness and it fully demonstrates Korea’s successes in economy, science and technique. The deputy speaker of State Duma of Russia had this to say: “Korea, not a big country, launched an artificial satellite with its own strength and technique. This is a great event beyond imagination.” The vice-Minister of Finance of Tanzania and the general director of Asian affairs of the secretariat for foreign liaison and international cooperation of Libya said that the successful launch of the satellite in Korea is a demonstration of its national defence power, economic potentials and science and techinque. The general secretary of the centre of the Cuban workers noted: “Korea’s successful launch of the satellite into orbit shows that it has military technique capable of annihilating enemies wherever they are on the earth.” The vice-President of the Parliament of Malaysia and the vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs of Iran said that Korea’s successful launch of a satellite is a pride of Asia. The chairman of “Working Russia” movement said that Korea’s launch of the first satellite, which was made with its own strength and technique 100 percent, is a great victory of socialism.

On September 27, the Central Military Commission held a banquet in honor of the scientists. I do not believe the scientists were invited. According to KCNA:

Banquet for those related to launch of satellite

Pyongyang, September 27 (KCNA) — The Central Military Commission of the Workers’ Party of Korea and the National Defense Commission of the DPRK gave a grand banquet in Pyongyang on Saturday in honour of the scientists, technicians and workers who had contributed to successfully launching the first artificial satellite “Kwangmyongsong No. 1.” Jo Myong Rok, first vice-chairman of the National Defense Commission of the DPRK and director of the General Political Department of the Korean People’s Army, in a speech said that he, authorized by the respected Supreme Commander Kim Jong Il, General Secretary of the Workers’ Party of Korea and Chairman of the National Defense Commission of the DPRK, extends warm congratulations to the entire scientists, technicians and workers who had successfully launched the first artificial satellite into orbit. The successful launching of the satellite by our own wisdom, technology, efforts and materials 100 percent is a signal event which demonstrated to the world the national power of Juche Korea and heralded a strong country, he said, and went on: The historic event to be recorded in the history of the nation gave great confidence and courage to the Korean people and officers and men of the People’s Army in their forced march to overcome difficulties for the final victory and sent the imperialists and reactionaries trying to stifle the DPRK with uneasiness and fear. With the launch of the first satellite Korea has ranked among the advanced countries in space development and is proud of its might in politics, military affairs and science and technology. The scientists, technicians and workers, bearing in mind the national pride and honour of having General Secretary Kim Jong Il at the head of the Workers’ Party of Korea and the revolution, should absolutely worship and uphold him in one mind in any adversity and defend the headquarters of the revolution headed by him at the cost of their lives. At the banquet scientists and technicians hardened their determination to lay firmer foundations of the independent national economy and make a new signal success in satellite development. The banquet participants enjoyed an art performance.

On September 28, KCNA explained the origins of the name for the “satellite”:

Kwangmyongsong

Pyongyang, September 28 (KCNA) — The first man-made satellite of Korea is now orbiting the globe. It is called “Kwangmyongsong No.1” in Korea. “Kwangmyongsong” means a lodestar, and it is symbolic of the greatness of General Secretary Kim Jong Il. In the 1940s, anti-Japanese revolutionary fighters of Korea highly praised the birth of Kim Jong Il, saying that a lodestar rose on Mt. Paektu to lead Korea. “Oh Korea, a lodestar was born on Mt. Paektu”, “Koreans, a lodestar that will carry forward the idea of commander Kim Il Sung has risen above Mt. Paektu”, “Future of Korea with a lodestar above Mt. Paektu is bright” and “the lodestar above Mt. Paektu shines all over Korea”–these slogans written by the fighters on trees are still preserved. The President Kim Il Sung personally authored an “Ode to the lodestar” on the occasion of the 50th birthday of Kim Jong Il in February Juche 81 (1992). The President in the ode praised Kim Jong Il as the lodestar of mankind respected by all people for his exploits for the fatherland and mankind. The naming of the first satellite as “Kwangmyongsong No. 1” reflects deep reverence of the Korean people for Kim Jong Il, who is glorifying the socialism of Korea.

On September 29, KCNA was able to dig up some more foreign supporters:

DPRK’s launch of artificial satellite lauded

Pyongyang, September 29 (KCNA) — Political figures of different countries in Asia highly estimated the successful launch of “Kwangmyongsong No. 1,” the first artificial satellite of the DPRK. A deputy Prime Minister of Laos, the Foreign Minister of Indonesia, the Minister of Finance of Pakistan and other political figures of different countries said that the satellite launch in the DPRK is a “miraculous event” which gives great pride, conviction and encouragement to the third world countries, the Asian people in particular. The DPRK successfully launched the satellite, an all-embracing unit of the latest techniques, with its own technology and efforts, they noted. This is unthinkable apart from the wise leadership of General Secretary Kim Jong Il and it is a great fruition of the line of independence, self-sustenance and self-reliance in defence. A deputy speaker of the Parliament of Malaysia, an executive secretary of the parliamentary group of the Asean and officials of foreign ministries of Iran and Viet Nam said that the DPRK launched the satellite at one try, striking the world with admiration, when Asian countries are in the grip of economic crisis. They praised Kim Jong Il as the sun and the leader who will lead the 21st century.

On October 1, KCNA reported that the satellite could be seen with the naked eye:

Satellite can be seen by naked eye

Pyongyang, October 1 (KCNA) — “Kwangmyongsong No. 1,” the artificial earth satellite launched by the DPRK at 12:07 August 31, can be seen by the naked eye early this month. A competent organ said that the satellite moving from the west to the cast can be seen in different parts of Korea between 04:50 and 05:30 (local time) on Oct. 3 and 4.

On December 1, Scientists were given awards:

State commendations awarded

Pyongyang, December 1 (KCNA) — A ceremony for awarding state commendations, gifts and state academic degrees and titles to scientists, technicians, workers and officials who contributed to successfully launching “Kwangmyongsong No. 1”, the first artificial satellite in Korea, took place at the April 25 House of Culture in Pyongyang Monday. Attending the ceremony were President of the presidium of the Supreme People’s Assembly of the DPRK Kim Yong Nam and officials concerned. 8 people were awarded the title of labour hero of the DPRK, two persons the Kim Il Sung Order and five people the Kim Il Sung Youth Honour Prize while other scientists, technicians and workers received titles of people’s and merited scientist, the title of merited machine builder, orders and medals. 24 people were presented with watches bearing the august name of the President Kim Il Sung and 24 others were awarded citations of Kim Jong Il, General Secretary of the Workers’ Party of Korea. Gifts sent by General Secretary Kim Jong Il were handed to the participants. And titles and degrees of candidate academician, professor, doctor, associate professor and master were awarded to 97 scientists. Speakers at the ceremony evinced the determination to actively contribute to registering eye-catching successes in developing satellites by creditably preparing themselves to be competent scientists with uptodate scientific and technological knowledge.

On December 8, KCNA reported on the satellite’s first 100 days:

“Kwangmyongsong No. 1” moves round earth 770 times

Pyongyang, December 8 (KCNA) — 100 days have passed since Korea’s first artificial satellite “Kwangmyongsong No. 1” blasted off into the space. During the days, the satellite has made some 770 rounds of the earth and moved along its normal orbit on set time each day. The satellite technicians have paid particular attention to observing its orbiting since it blasted off. At around 15 hours of local time on August 31 this year the satellite made its first round of the earth, passing through the sky above the south sea of Korea. At 10:54 on September 2 it made 15 rounds of the earth, passing through the sky above the central part of Korea. At the dawn of October 3 and 4 it went to east from west above Korea. Scientists at the satellite observatory say that through the 100-day observation they could be convinced of the scientific accuracy of the satellite which was launched by the DPRK’s technology and efforts 100 percent.

“Kwangmyongsong No. 1” demonstrates might of Korea

Pyongyang, December 9 (KCNA) — 100 days have passed since the DPRK’s first artificial satellite “Kwangmyongsong No. 1” was placed into orbit. During the period, the satellite has made over 770 orbits of the earth demonstrating the might of the country. “Kwangmyongsong No. 1,” which has a special position in the world’s history of the development of artificial satellites, shows that the DPRK has reached ultra-modern technological level in the domain of the space development. The qualitative level of all devices, elements and materials of the satellite as well as the already-developed multi-stage carrier rocket are very high. Space experts of the world highly estimate the DPRK for successfully solving difficult scientific and technical problems such as development of super heat-resisting material, control of satellite’s position and peculiar stage separating method. The launching site built by Korean scientists and technicians themselves attracts attention from the world because it costs a large amount of fund. The observation of the satellite is being made on a scientific basis. It is helpful toward accelerating the space study for peaceful purposes. Technical problems of manufacturing and controling the multi-stage carrier rocket and separating its engines have already been solved satisfactorily. And complex and difficult technical problems of placing a satellite into orbit and issues of making communications with the satellite, accurately operating electronic devices in the space and establishing a perfect system of observing the satellite in the earth have been solved. Some time ago, scientists, technicians, workers and officials who contributed to the launch of the satellite were awarded state commendations, gifts and state academic degrees and titles.

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