Archive for the ‘Japan’ Category

Yamaguchi firm execs found guilty of illegal N Korea clam imports

Friday, August 3rd, 2007

Japan Today (Hat Tip DPRK Studies)
8/3/2007

Three executives of a seafood company in Sanyoonoda, Yamaguchi Prefecture, were found guilty Thursday of importing North Korean littleneck clams in February in violation of the foreign trade control law.
 
The Shimonoseki branch of the Yamaguchi District Court sentenced Yoshio Fujioka, 69, director of Toen Boeki KK, to two years in prison suspended for three years, and his brother Noboru Fujioka, 59, president of the firm, and Yuzo Fujioka, Yoshio’s 41-year-old son and a director at the firm, to 22 months in prison suspended for three years. The court fined Toen Boeki 15 million yen and an affiliated firm 500,000 yen.

Share

IFES Monthly report

Wednesday, August 1st, 2007

Institute for Far Eastern Studies (IFES)
8/1/2007

INTER-KOREAN RELATIONS

Following two days of talks between economic representatives of the two Koreas at the Kaesong Industrial Complex, South Korea announced on July 7 that it would begin shipping raw materials to the North in exchange for DPRK natural resources. South Korea shipped 800,000 USD of polyester fabric on July 25, and is set to send the rest of the materials by the end of November. North Korea accepted South Korean prices for the goods, and will pay transportation, cargo working, and demurrage costs, as well. South Korea will pay for shipping, insurance, and the use of port facilities. On 28 July, a South Korean delegation left for the North in order to conduct on-site surveys of three zinc and magnesite mines. The team will spend two weeks in North Korea.

It was reported on 17 July that North Korea proposed a joint fishing zone north of the ‘Northern Limit Line’ dividing North and South territorial waters to the west of the peninsula. Seoul turned down the offer.

Inter-Korean military talks broke down early on 26 July after only three days of negotiations as North Korea insisted on the redrawing of the Northern Limit Line.

North Korea demanded on 27 July that workers in the Kaesong Industrial Complex be given a 15 percent pay raise. The North Korean workers will not work overtime, weekends or holidays beginning in August unless the raise is granted.

It was reported by the Korea International Trade Association on 26 July that inter-Korean trade was up 28.6 percent in the first six months of 2007, totaling 720 million USD.

RUSSIA-DPRK INVESTMENT

It was reported on 19 July that Russia and North Korea have agreed to connect Khasan and Najin by rail, enlisting investment from Russian oil companies interested in an inactive refinery at Najin Port capable of processing up to 120,000 barrels per day. The project is estimated to cost over two billion USD.

MONGOLIA-DPRK RELATIONS

During a four-day visit to Mongolia by Kim Yong-nam beginning on 20 July, the two countries signed protocols on cooperation on health and science, trade and sea transport, and labor exchange issues. This follows on the heals of an agreement to allow South Korean trains to travel through North Korean territory on to Mongolia in route to Russia and Europe.

JAPAN-DPRK PROPAGANDA

Japan took one step further to recover abductees in North Korea this month when the government began broadcasting propaganda into the DPRK intended for Japanese citizens. The broadcasts are made in Korean and Japanese (30 minutes each) daily, and updated once per week.

U.S.-DPRK PEACE PROSPECTS

U.S. Ambassador to the ROK Alexander Vershbow stated that Washington was prepared to negotiate a permanent peace regime on the Korean Peninsula by the end of the year if North Korea were to completely abandon its nuclear ambitions.

 

EGYPT-DPRK INVESTMENT

The Egyptian company Orascom Construction Industries announced a 115 million USD deal with North Korea’s state-owned Pyongyang Myongdang Trading Corporation to purchase a 50 percent state in Sangwon Cement. To put this in perspective, the deal in worth more than four times the amount of frozen DPRK funds that had caused six-party talks to break down and delayed the implementation of the February 13 agreement.

NORTH KOREAN SOCIETY

The Economist reported on 7 July that, according to foreigners living in the North’s capital, concern for petty law appears to be weakening. Citizens are reportedly smoking in smoke-free zones, sitting on escalator rails, and even blocking traffic by selling wares on the streets.

It was reported on July 11 that a letter sent earlier in the year by the North Korean Red Cross indicated severe shortages of medical supplies. The letter stated that North Korea would accept any medicine, even if it was past expiration, and accept all consequences for any problems that arose from using outdated supplies. The (South) Korea Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association had no choice but to reject the request.

Events were held on July 11 in North Korea in order to promote women’s health and well-being issues. Marking World Population Day, a North Korean official stated that the DPRK has cooperated with the UN Population Fund since 1986, and is now in the fourth phase of cooperation.

Seeing entertainment venues as a “threat to society”, North Korean security forces have been implementing a shutdown of karaoke bars and Internet cafes. These venues mainly cater to traders in the northern regions of the country.

It was reported on July 13 that construction of North Korea’s first all-English language university was nearing completion. The Pyongyang University of Science and Technology, funded largely by ROK and U.S. Christian evangelical groups, will hold 2600 students and offer undergraduate and post-graduate degrees in business administration, information technology, and agriculture.

Local elections were held on 29 July for DPRK provincial, city, and country People’s Assemblies. 100 percent of 27,390 candidates were approved with a 99.82 percent turnout reported.

Share

Ban on Japanese Cars Stronger Than Expected

Friday, July 27th, 2007

Daily NK
Kwon Jeong Hyun
7/27/2007

An order was made by North Korean authorities prohibiting the use of all Japanese cars until the year 2009. Though this only applies to old cars manufactured before 2003, it seems that the orders are being enforced stronger than expected.

The drivers seat of cars manufactured after 2004 are being changed to the right hand side by the Japanese Chongryon (General Association of North Korean Residents in Japan), informed a source on the 25th.

In addition, all Japanese cars have been banned from entering Pyongyang excluding cars with permits (such as governmental or company cars). As a result, many Japanese delivery services are experiencing hardship.

This kind of order was made around Kim Jong Il’s birthday on February 16th by central authorities with inspection conducted by the transportation department of the Social Safety Agency in both the rural districts and Pyongyang.

These orders were made amidst a time when relations between North and South Korea had worsened and when a broken down Japanese car blocked the road while Kim Jong Il was on his way to worship at his the Kim Il Song Memorial.

Regarding this, one safety traffic official of Pyongyang city informed, “Cars which have been produced with the South such as the “Hweparam (whistle)” and “Arirang” are being regulated by the nation. National income is being increased by selling these. Further, the regulations were enforced to control the people who were making lots of money by trading cars illegally.”

The Pyeonghwa Motors which operates under the control of the Unification Church has been working in collaboration with North Korea. Since 2002, cars and mini buses have been supplied after parts had been put together at the factory.

This order by North Korean authorities has been enforced strongly and has lasted much longer than expected. Hence many traders and individuals are expressing discontent.

Japanese cars are being sold at ridiculously low prices with yet another year and 2 months remaining until the ban is lifted. People who took out loans in order to purchase the cars are being pressured by their debtors, a source informed.

Share

N. Korea urges Japan to participate in energy assistance

Sunday, July 8th, 2007

Korea Herald
7/8/2007

Japan should refrain from its hostile policy toward North Korea and actively take part in a six-party actions plan to achieve a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula, a pro-North Korean newspaper in Japan said Saturday.

Chosun Sinbo, a pro-North Korean newspaper published in Tokyo, said on Saturday that Japan should be out of the six-party discussions if it continues to avoid the energy assistance program.

Japan, a member of six-party nuclear disarmament talks, is at odds with North Korea over about a dozen Japanese citizens kidnapped by North Korean agents decades ago. Japan refuses to provide any economic aid to the North until the kidnapping issue is resolved.

Under a deal adopted on Feb. 13, North Korea is to receive 1 million tons of heavy fuel oil in exchange for shutting down its key weapons-related nuclear facilities. South Korea is responsible for the first shipment of 50,000 tons.

Share

Kim Is Squeezed as North Koreans in Japan Switch Citizenship

Thursday, June 28th, 2007

Bloomberg
Hideko Takayama
6/28/2007

Kim Jong Il no longer supports the government of North Korea.

Kim is a 66-year-old businessman who owns a shoe factory in Kobe, Japan. In 1997, he resolved to switch his citizenship to South Korea from North Korea after deciding that “I could no longer support a government that allowed children to starve to death.”

Since then, thousands of North Korean residents in Japan have made the same decision. And that is bad news for the other Kim Jong Il — the one, no relation to the businessman, who has ruled North Korea since 1994.

For the last four decades, Japan’s North Korean residents have sent billions of yen in money and goods back home to their relatives and the Pyongyang regime. As more and more of them switch their allegiance to South Korea, they are choking off the flow of resources to an isolated and impoverished country already coping with trade sanctions.

While there is no way of knowing exactly how much they have sent, Katsumi Sato, director of the Modern Korea Institute in Tokyo, estimated that in the early 1990s, the annual total was some 60 billion yen ($600 million) in money and supplies.

“The cash and goods sent from Japan in the late 1980s were bigger than their national budget,” Sato said. “It was North Korea’s lifeline.”

Forced Labor

Japan was home to more than 600,000 Koreans in the 1970s, according to Japanese government figures. Roughly 330,000 were loyal to the South and 280,000 supported the North. They were the descendants of forced laborers Japan brought back from the peninsula during the era of colonial rule from 1910 to 1945, or Koreans who came to Japan looking for work.

South Korean residents now number about 400,000, according to the Korean Residents Union, a pro-South group. North Koreans are estimated at less than 50,000. The Chosensoren, an organization founded in 1955 to represent the interests of North Koreans who live in Japan, doesn’t disclose how many members it has.

One wave of North Koreans switched allegiance in the mid- 1990s after visiting their relatives and witnessing their suffering as a result of the famines that killed as many as 3 million people. Hundreds more switched when North Korea’s Workers Party secretary Hwang Jang Yop defected to South Korea in February 1997 and openly criticized Kim’s regime.

Demographic Forces

The shift reflects demographic as well as political forces. Older North Koreans are dying; some younger ones are becoming naturalized Japanese citizens. Other younger residents have fewer direct ties with their North Korean relatives and find other ways to spend their money.

One 27-year-old computer programmer dreamed of a honeymoon in Italy, then he hit a snag: He needed a fistful of time- consuming approvals and permits to travel. So he became a South Korean and heads to Italy this summer. He asked that his name not be used because he still has some loyalty to North Korea and feels uncomfortable about the switch.

Japan’s decade of recessions and slow growth has also taken a toll on the flow of cash and supplies sent to the homeland. Much of the money has come from North Korean residents running pachinko gambling halls, an industry with annual sales of 28 trillion yen ($231 billion), according to the Japan Productivity Center for Socio-Economic Development. But even these popular parlors have felt a financial pinch.

Seeking Protection

In April, a pachinko chain owned by a former North Korean resident and known as Daiei — no relation to Kobe-based retailer Daiei Inc. — filed with the Tokyo District Court for protection from creditors under the Civil Rehabilitation Law.

“With the slump in Japan’s economy, many North Koreans here lost their businesses,” Kazuhiro Kobayashi, who wrote “Kim Jong Il’s Big Laugh” and other works on North Korea, said in an interview. “I believe the amount of funds flowing to the North from Japan is less than a twentieth of what it was.”

One sign of North Korea’s woes: Last week, the Tokyo District Court ordered the Chosensoren to pay 62.7 billion yen to cover unpaid debt or face the seizure of its headquarters in lieu of payment.

In the past, the Chosensoren might have collected money from North Korean residents in such a situation. That’s now much more difficult, not only because of the North Korean business failures, but also because many residents criticize the organization for serving as a watchdog or even a branch office of the government in Pyongyang.

Medical Supplies

North Korea has also found it increasingly difficult to transport cash, medical supplies, clothing and other goods from its residents in Japan.

In the past, most of this cargo would travel on the North Korean vessel Mangyonbong, which docked on Japan’s northwestern coast. The ship also carried 90 percent of the parts for North Korean missiles, according to testimony in 2003 before a U.S. Senate subcommittee by a North Korean engineer who defected.

After North Korea test-fired several missiles over the Sea of Japan in July 2006, Japan banned the Mangyonbong from its ports. It banned all other North Korean ships after the underground nuclear test last October, as part of its economic sanctions.

The flow of North Koreans changing citizenship shows no sign of abating. In Tokyo alone, residents have been switching at a rate of roughly 100 a month since 2006, according to statistics from the South Korean consulate in Tokyo. In February 2007, the latest month available, 120 switched.

For Bae Soo Hong, the 46-year-old president of a construction company near Osaka, it was Kim Jong Il — the ruler, not the businessman — who made him decide to change.

When Kim acknowledged during a 2002 meeting with Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi that North Korea had abducted Japanese citizens, “I knew it was time,” Bae said. He became a South Korean citizen this month.

Share

N. Korea warns Japan on pro-Pyongyang group crackdown

Wednesday, June 27th, 2007

Yonhap
Sohn Suk-joo
6/27/2007

North Korea warned Wednesday that Japan would “pay a dear price” if it continues to crack down on a pro-Pyongyang organization based there.

“If Japanese reactionaries keep clamping down on Chongryon in violation of our republic’s dignity and sovereignty, our anger at Japan will explode and they will have to pay a dear price for that,” said the Rodong Sinmun, the organ of the North’s ruling Workers’ Party. Chongryon is the shorter Korean name for the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan.

The angry statement comes a week after a Japanese court sanctioned the seizure of the premises of Chongryon’s headquarters due to its failure to repay debts. Since the group was founded in 1955, it has acted as the representative organization of North Korea in Japan. The two nations have no diplomatic relations.

Later in the day, four chapter leaders of Chongryon issued a joint statement accusing the Japanese government of having made an “unprecedented political terrorist act” against the group, said the Choson Sinbo, a Korean-language newspaper published by Chongryon in Japan.

The pro-North Korean group teeters on the brink of bankruptcy, as Japan’s Resolution and Collection Corp. (RCC) is to start procedures to confiscate the organization’s building and compound. RCC claims that the debt was part of nonperforming loans extended by 16 now-defunct credit unions associated with the group.

The RCC, which took over the nonperforming loans from the credit unions, claimed that Chongryon must pay 62.7 billion yen (US$508 million) since the money was purportedly handed over to Chongryon in an arrangement with the credit associations.

North Korean authorities protested the decision since the premises were the most likely candidate for North Korea’s embassy in Japan when the two sides agree to normalize diplomatic ties. The talks have bogged down because of their dispute over the past and abduction issues.

North Korea and Japan have never established diplomatic relations since the North was founded in 1948. The major hurdle to their normalization negotiations was how much and in what terms Japan should pay for its colonization of Korea from 1910 to 1945.

The court ruling comes as the embattled Chongryon has yet to ride out the shock after North Korean leader Kim Jong-il confessed in late 2002 that the communist country abducted 13 Japanese people to train spies in Japanese culture and language in the 1970s and 1980s.

Kim’s admission triggered a chain reaction of defections from the group. Now it claims about 80,000 members, although critics say about 30,000 are actively engaged in the group. The membership pales in comparison with 420,000 in the 1970s.

In an effort to prevent the premises from being seized, Chongryon tried in vain to sell the head office for 3.5 billion yen ($28.4 million) to an investment advisory company headed by Shigetake Ogata, a former chief of the Public Security Intelligence Agency.

But the court said the deal should be declared null and void because the ownership changed hands without an actual financial transaction.

“Chongryon chapter leaders and the Korean people are angry that Japan stigmatized Chongryon as a criminal organization by taking issue with the lawful business deal,” said the Choson Sinbo, which usually reflects the views of North Korea.

Share

North Korea Group in Japan Is Ordered to Pay Loans

Thursday, June 21st, 2007

Bloomberg (Hat Tip One Free Korea)
Saori Kuji
6/18/2007

The de facto embassy of North Korea in Japan may lose its headquarters after a Tokyo court ordered it to pay 62.7 billion yen ($508 million) to a government-run bad loan agency to cover unpaid debt.

The Tokyo District Court today ruled the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan must repay the government-run Resolution and Collection Corp., which took over non-performing loans advanced by credit companies associated with the pro-Pyongyang group. The court ruled the RCC can seize the group’s headquarters in central Tokyo in lieu of payment.

“This is clearly a huge blow for the organization,” Motoi Tamaki, chief director at Tokyo’s Modern Korea Institute, said. “The group is one step away from complete dissolution.”

The association represents about 50,000 North Koreans who live in Japan and acts as a representative for North Korea, which has no formal ties with the Japanese government. The group has channeled funds to the reclusive regime in North Korea, according to members.

The RCC told the court the funds were a portion of loans extended by now-collapsed credit unions, or Chogin, that were associated with Chongryon, which is liable for the debt because it received the money.

“Public funds were pumped into the fallen credit unions. It is entirely reasonable for the RCC to try to collect the money,” Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said in a comment on today’s court ruling.

Collapsed Deal

Chongryon made headlines last week when it emerged that a former head of Japan’s domestic spy agency signed a contract to buy the group’s headquarters in central Tokyo. The deal collapsed because of the RCC legal action and because the former official, Shigetake Ogata, wasn’t able to raise the funds.

Ogata said he set up an investment company called Harvest to buy the property to help Chongryon, which is called Chosensoren in Japanese.

“The ruling puts pressure on resident North Koreans and this is what I was afraid of,” Ogata said at a press conference today. “This ruling will be conveyed to North Korea and there will be retaliation against Japan which is not good for Japan’s national interest.”

North Korea test fired a long-range missile over Japan in 1998 and last year tested a nuclear device and other missiles, raising tensions in North Asia. The issue of Japanese citizens kidnapped by North Korean agents in the 1970s and 1980s is also impeding attempts to normalize ties.

Channeling Funds

Japanese prosecutors raided Ogata’s home in connection with the attempted purchase, Asahi newspaper reported on June 14. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Toshio Yanagi, director general of Japan’s Public Security Intelligence Agency, criticized the former spy head’s action.

“I cannot say much about it since the issue is still under investigation,” Ogata said.

Chongryon, founded in 1947, was set up to represent the interests of North Koreans resident in Japan and many of them donated money and goods to the organization and schools run by the group.

Some of the funds were funneled to the Stalinist regime in North Korea, which regularly criticizes Japan.

“I realized that Chosensoren was just a slave of Pyongyang and they didn’t help us at all,” Kim Jong Il who changed his citizenship to the South 10 years ago said. Kim is no relation to the North Korean leader Kim Jong Il. “They spied on us and took our money to support Pyongyang. We observe this court ruling with disgust.”

Share

Chongryon’s trouble

Tuesday, June 19th, 2007

Korea Herald
6/20/2007

The General Association of (pro-Pyongyang) Korean Residents in Japan or Chongryon (Jochongnyeon) is in the most serious trouble since its founding half a century ago. The Tokyo District Court on Monday ordered it to repay 62.7 billion yen (about $780 million) to a Japanese official debt-collection agency and allowed the agency to seize the premises housing Chongryon headquarters in Tokyo. If and when the Resolution and Collection Corp. starts procedures to impound the property, Chongryon will face eviction.

RCC took over non-performing loans from a Chongryon-affiliated credit union upon its bankruptcy, and filed a suit to have Chongryon repay them on the grounds that the loans had in effect been channeled to the Korean residents’ association. Chongryon asserted that the suit was politically motivated to deprive it of its headquarters building and force its dissolution. The judge rejected the claim and ruled in favor of RCC.

The Japanese media has extensively covered the suit as well as an unsuccessful attempt by Chongryon to turn over the ownership of the premises to a Japanese investment advisory firm headed by a former government intelligence chief in order to avoid seizure of the property. Ownership was transferred in the official registry, but no actual payment was made in the fake sale, and the transfer was canceled before the court ruling.

Chongryon, which has served as North Korea’s virtual embassy in Japan in the absence of diplomatic relations between Tokyo and Pyongyang, has funneled funds to the North collected from Korean firms and individuals affiliated with it. Japanese government’s and civil society’s antagonism toward it grew over the past few years as a result of the disclosure of North Korea’s abduction of Japanese nationals, its nuclear arms development and occasional test-firing of missiles toward and over Japan.

Japan’s “right turn” in recent days has curtailed Chongryon’s activities on political and social levels. Since Tokyo Governor Shintaro Ishihara lifted tax exemption on Chongryon facilities, other autonomous bodies have followed suit, causing deeper financial woes to the organization. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe vowed to cut ties between Pyongyang and Chongryon as he believed the residents’ association was instrumental in North Korea’s illicit operations in Japan.

Under these circumstances, Mindan or the pro-Seoul Korean Residents’ Association in Japan sought amity with Chongryon and the two organizations issued a “joint statement” on May 17 last year agreeing on steps toward reconciliation and concord, including joint observation of the Aug. 15 liberation anniversary. That accord, however, has not produced practical results.

The impending seizure of the Chongryon headquarters in Tokyo in lieu of debt payment will hasten the decline of the organization. The Tokyo court ruling will be followed by similar court actions against provincial Chongryon chapters that are more or less in similar situations. Japanese media reported that nine of 29 major Chongryon facilities across the country have already been seized by the Resolution and Collection Corp.

Young affiliates of Chongryon are leaving the organization or naturalizing in Japan in increasing numbers. Older Chongryon Koreans who had lived with the fantasy of a “socialist paradise” in the northern part of the Korean Peninsula up until the 1980s have long lost their pride. They are now seeing their once beloved fatherland still demanding contributions from their expatriates in Japan when their organization is facing eviction and eventual dissolution. It is a bitter irony that some Japanese liberals are protesting to their government for what they call the political persecution of Chongryon.

Share

Japanese court orders seizure of pro-N. Korean group

Monday, June 18th, 2007

Yonhap
6/18/2007

A Japanese court Monday allowed the seizure of the headquarters of a pro-North Korean organization based in Japan because of its failure to repay its debts, a news report said.

In its ruling, the Tokyo District Court ordered the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, better known here as “Chongryon,” to repay 62.7 billion yen to a government debt-collection body, the Kyodo News Agency reported.

Resolution and Collection Corp. (RCC) is expected to start procedures to confiscate the organization’s building, as it claims that the debt was part of loans extended by now-defunct credit unions associated with the group.

The RCC, which took over the non-performing loans from the credit unions, claimed that Chongryon is bound to pay the 62.7 billion yen (US$508 million) as the money was effectively purported to be handed over to Chongryon under the arrangements of the credit associations.

In connection with the suit, an investment advisory firm headed by the former chief of the Public Security Intelligence Agency, Shigetake Ogata, tried in vain to purchase the Chongryon head office for 3.5 billion yen (US$28.4 million) in an effort to prevent the premises from being seized.

Chongryon acknowledged the existence of the loans, but failed to reach an out-of-court settlement with the RCC.

Chongryon argued that the RCC, a public organization, had no right to demand that Chongryon pay the loans at face value, since the RCC had acquired the debts at very low prices.

“There is a purpose in depriving Chongryon of the headquarters’ premises and leading it to dissolution,” Chongryon said. “It offends public order and morality.”

Share

Teaching with the ‘enemy’

Tuesday, May 22nd, 2007

The Japan Times (Hat tip to the Marmot)
Jason Williams
5/22/2007

In February this year over 300 people attended the performing arts festival at a junior high school in Okayama. It was much the same as any other arts festival at any other junior high school in Japan; the students sang, danced, played music and performed skits for an audience made up of family and friends.

There was, however, one major difference — the program wasn’t Japanese. It was Korean. Korean in song, Korean in dance and Korean in language.

The festival was at the Okayama Korean Primary and Middle School, a school for Korean residents of Japan run by the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, or Chongryun, which has close ties to North Korea.

As a teacher and “insider” at a Korean school in Japan, I would like to share some of my experiences and observations to demonstrate how these schools are at the same time similar to and uniquely different from other schools here.

When I mention to others that I teach at a Korean school, I can usually expect one of three reactions. First, most people, Japanese and non-Japanese alike, are surprised to learn that such schools exist. In fact, Chongryun operates about 70 schools throughout Japan, from kindergarten to university, and in 2006 the organization celebrated the 60th anniversary of the founding of its schools.

Second are those who have at least heard of the schools but say that they know very little about them.

The third, and most damaging, reaction is rooted in the misconception that the schools are similar to the way that North Korea is portrayed in the Japanese media. I am often asked if the school is militaristic or if the students and teachers are brainwashed, communist fanatics who hate Japan and America. I have even been asked if the school has spies or if I feel safe being at the school. I can’t help thinking, “Why don’t you just come see for yourself?”

The school I teach at is located near Kurashiki in Okayama Prefecture. The school building, as I approached it for the first time nine years ago, looked like others I had seen in Japan but a bit smaller and older. When I arrived at the school, I was met with the usual pointing, giggling and staring from students that most foreigners experience when they go to a local school.

The first difference I noticed was the clothes of the female students and teachers. They were all wearing the traditional Korean “chima chogori.”

“The chima chogori is a symbol of our natural culture, national pride and history. To wear it is to recognize ourselves as Korean,” explains Pak Kum Suk, a former English teacher at the school.

I also noticed was that the Korean language was ubiquitous in the school. Writing on chalkboards and bulletin boards, announcements and conversations were all in Korean.

Knowing almost nothing about the Korean community in Japan at that time, I assumed that the students and teachers were from Korea and were living in Japan because of work, study or some other reason. Later on I learned about the history of ethnic Korean residents of Japan, known as “zainichi” Koreans in Japanese, and that all of the students and teachers were actually born and grew up in Japan.

Other than the uniforms and language, is there a lot that distinguishes this school from other elementary and junior-high schools in Japan?

Well, yes and no. Like most schools, the students study a basic curriculum that includes math, science, history, Japanese and English. Unlike other schools, the classes, except for English and Japanese, are all taught in Korean. Korean is not just the language of communication at the school; it is the language of instruction as well.

“The original purpose of the schools founded by the first generation of Koreans in Japan was to teach their children Korean language,” says Pak.

This does not mean that students are unable to speak Japanese. On the contrary, the combination of Korean-language immersion in school and the Japanese-language world outside the school mean that the children tend to be naturally bilingual.

“When I say I’m Korean,” says the school’s English teacher, Kang Yun Hwi, “some Japanese ask me why I can speak Japanese so well. I have to explain that I was born in Japan.”

The school also has clubs for students to participate in. In addition to soccer and volleyball there are Korean dance and music clubs. Such activities play an important role in helping students develop a sense of ethnic identity. Events at the school include sports festivals, parents’ day, field trips and graduation ceremonies. These are similar to the ones I have seen at Japanese schools, but with an emphasis on Korean language and culture.

The students are typical middle-schoolers. The boys talk about sports and computer games, the girls about singers and idols. Both worry about high-school entrance exams.

“When I was a junior high school student, my classmates and I talked about popular musicians like Hikaru Utada, Namie Amuro and Mr. Children. We also took “purikura” (photo booth snaps) whenever we went out,” recalls Kim Woo Ki, a recent graduate of Chongryun-operated Korea University.

The unconventional thing about the school is that staff and students make an open effort to maintain their ethnic identity and cultural heritage. Once when the students were making the Korean food “chijimi,” I mentioned that it is Korean “okonomiyaki” only to be lightheartedly corrected — okonomiyaki is Japanese chijimi.

In the teachers’ room there are pictures of the late North Korean dictator Kim Il Sung and his son, current leader Kim Jong Il, which surprised me the first time I saw them. However, they are the only ones I have seen in the school.

“From the beginning, North Korea has given a lot of funding, educational aid like musical instruments, and concern to the schools,” explains Pak.

Conversations I have with teachers tend to focus on current events and culture rather than politics. The one time a political topic did come up was after the admission of the abduction of Japanese nationals by North Korea. I taught at the school just after this news broke and the staff all expressed seemingly honest shock and sincere remorse and regret. They seemed to be just as surprised as everyone else I knew. Nobody denied the facts of these incidents as many Japanese people I have talked to believe.

After the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the U.S., teachers and students expressed shock and worry, asked if my family and friends were OK and offered me, an American, their condolences.

I have seen no flags, military drills, marches or propaganda at the school. The only open, perhaps hopeful, political statement I see are maps of the Korean Peninsula that have no border separating North and South.

“The relationship between the North and South is better than most Japanese people think,” argues Pak.

I have noticed that everyone refers to themselves, their clothes, language and customs as “Korean” — not “North” or “South,” just “Korean.”

“The term ‘pro-Pyongyang’ (for Chongryun) is not completely appropriate,” says Pak. “Everyone in Chongryun and all people who send their children to our schools do not necessarily support the North. Some people simply place an importance on Korean ethnicity and identity, support our curriculum, and emphasize ties among community members.”

The school is very open to people who would like to visit and has welcomed my mother, wife (Japanese), and friends and coworkers from Australia, Canada, America and Japan. I have seen exchanges with Japanese schools and visits by community groups.

“We would like to have friendship with whoever wants to sincerely know about us and not people who are interested in gossip,” Pak says.

Even though I have mentioned that many people are unaware of the existence of the Korean schools, certain people, unfortunately, are. Beginning with the admission of the abduction of Japanese nationals, acts of aggression toward Chongryun schools and their students have increased. The number of recorded incidents nationwide since October of last year has already exceeded 150 and includes attacks on students, damage to the schools, and threatening telephone calls and mail.

“We have had our windows broken and (rightwing) sound buses drive around the school,” explains Pak.

Unfortunately, due to the lack of media interest in these schools, many people are unaware of these incidents.

I hope that in this article I have not idealized the school I teach at or my experiences there. Also, I am not trying to justify or support any of the political policies of North Korea. My intent is to help people understand what the Chongryun schools and their students are actually like and to encourage others to visit the schools and discover more first-hand.

I do not want people to develop misconceptions based on political affairs between North Korea and Japan. The Chongryun schools are not about politics. They are about older generations helping younger generations learn their traditional culture and appreciate their ethnic identity.

Whenever I go to the school, I can’t help thinking how much easier it would be if the students to went to Japanese schools. The building would be bigger, there would be more facilities and more classmates to get to know.

But at what cost? The loss of language, history, culture and ethnic identity is a heavy price to pay. The desire and ability of the teachers, students and parents to preserve and promote their heritage is certainly to be admired and, I hope, respected by others in Japan.

Share