Archive for March, 2007

North Korea’s Defaulted Debt Gains on Weapons Talks

Wednesday, March 14th, 2007

Bloomberg
John Glover
3/14/2007

North Korea’s defaulted debt, virtually worthless five years ago, is gaining as investors bet that talks to terminate the communist nation’s nuclear weapons program may eventually end the country’s isolation.

The securities are priced at 24 cents on the dollar, according to Exotix Ltd., a London brokerage. That’s up from 18 cents last October after the government in Pyongyang said it detonated a nuclear device. The debt traded at 13 cents in 2003.

President Kim Il Sung drove the country to become the first communist state to default in the 1970s by spending as much as 30 percent of gross domestic product on its military. His son, Kim Jong-Il, continued the legacy by maintaining a 1 million- strong army in a nation where the 23 million population was wracked by famine through the 1990s and forced to eat weeds and corn stalks, according to the Central Intelligence Agency. North Korea resumes nuclear weapons talks on March 19 in Beijing.

“This is a very long-term play,” said Richard Segal, chief strategist at Argonaftis Capital Management, in a telephone interview in London. The notes “will be worth 100 one day, but you don’t know when that will be,” Segal said.

North Korea probably owed as much as $14.5 billion, including unpaid interest, at the end of 2004, according to Exotix. Kim, known by the honorific “Dear Leader,” has held supreme power since the 1994 death of his father, creating the world’s first communist dynasty.

Trading Debt

BNP Paribas SA, France’s biggest bank, in 1987 created the equivalent of $164 million of notes denominated in deutsche marks and secured by two non-performing loans made to North Korea. They are traded alongside 240 million Swiss francs ($197 million) of notes secured by the same loans.

The securities were created to make it easier to trade North Korean debt. At maturity in March 2010, holders of both securities will receive the underlying defaulted loans if the notes haven’t been repaid or restructured, according to data compiled by Bloomberg.

Investors expect South Korea to “assume its neighbor’s external debt if economic integration is sufficiently advanced,” Exotix says on its Web site. Payment may not include the overdue interest, Exotix says.

“Moves in this debt are in anticipation of talks on North Korea’s nuclear weapons program,” said Stuart Culverhouse, chief economist at Exotix in London. “The talks are the driver, and the price of the debt ultimately depends on whether any accord reached will hold.”

Food Exchange

Mohamed ElBaradei, head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, said today in Beijing after visiting Pyongyang that North Korea will allow United Nations nuclear inspectors into the country once the U.S. lifts sanctions against the country.

Under the terms of a six-nation accord brokered on Feb. 13 in Beijing, the communist state agreed to dismantle its nuclear program in exchange for food aid and energy assistance.

More than 10,000 North Koreans have escaped since the country divided in 1953, according to South Korean news service JoongAng Ilbo News. Since 2004, those caught attempting to escape face, or repatriated by China, face terms of between one and five years in jail, according to a report by Human Rights Watch on its Web page.

At a 2002 summit, North Korea admitted to kidnapping 13 Japanese in the 1970s and 1980s, and allowed five to return in October 2002. Japan says 17 people were taken and must be accounted for.

Share

Treasury Reportedly Set to Act to Free North Korean Money

Wednesday, March 14th, 2007

NY Times
Steven R. Weisman
3/14/2007

The Treasury Department is expected to move formally this week to bar American banks from engaging in transactions with a bank in Macao linked to North Korea, clearing the way for North Korea to regain possession of money at the bank frozen since 2005, a Bush administration official said Tuesday.

American officials see such a step by the Treasury, which has been expected for weeks, as a crucial part of the recent deal to disarm North Korea’s nuclear program. The deal, announced last month, requires North Korea to disarm its nuclear facilities in return for economic and energy benefits.

The Chinese government effectively froze about $25 million connected to North Korea a year and a half ago, when the Treasury Department listed Banco Delta Asia, a small family-owned bank in Macao, as a “primary money laundering concern.” As much as half of the money is expected to be returned to North Korea.

American officials charged in 2005 that the bank was helping North Korea conduct counterfeiting, narcotics trafficking and transactions related to its nuclear weapons program, a charge that North Korea and the bank denied.

The initial Treasury announcement put American banks on notice that after further investigation, the department would decide whether to bar United States banks formally from facilitating transactions with the bank.

However, the practical effect was to make all United States banks voluntarily cease transactions with Banco Delta Asia.

Without the ability to acquire dollars, Banco Delta Asia collapsed. Macao froze all its funds related to North Korea, and most of its other customers withdrew their money in a run on the bank. The bank was then taken over by the authorities in Macao, a semiautonomous province of China.

Subsequently, American and Chinese authorities pored over more than 300,000 documents describing the transactions with North Korea. These included accounts of 20 North Korean banks, 11 North Korean trading companies, 9 North Korean citizens and 8 Macao-based companies that did business with North Korea, according to bank records filed with the Treasury Department.

The Treasury announcement expected this week would formalize what is already in place. It would probably mean that the bank could do only a modest amount of business, without the benefit of dollar transactions.

But it would mean that the Chinese government would be in a position to return some of the funds to North Korea that are not linked to counterfeiting, drugs, nuclear arms or other illicit activities.

For example, some of the funds belong to a North Korean unit of British American Tobacco, American officials say, and those funds are expected to be returned to the company, which is owned by British interests.

When the North Korea nuclear deal was announced last month, no mention was made of returning funds to North Korea from the bank, but American officials now say that the return of those funds was a major incentive for North Korea to reach an accord.

The disarmament agreement was negotiated with the United States, China, South Korea, Japan and Russia as part of what were called six-party talks.

Christopher R. Hill, the assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs and the central envoy in the talks, said this month that North Korea was “concerned about the fact that we were able to go after an important node of their financing” but that the United States would continue to monitor its illicit activities.

Share

UNDP’s Wrong Action Accused

Tuesday, March 13th, 2007

KCNA
3/13/2007

The United Nations Development Program recently announced that it would suspend its country program for the DPRK and, accordingly, withdraw the staff members of its office from Pyongyang.

A spokesman for the DPRK Ministry of Foreign Affairs Tuesday answered the question raised by KCNA in this regard.

The responsibility for this abnormal thing that happened in the cooperative relations between the DPRK and the UNDP, which have favorably developed for the past several decades, rests with the U.S. and Japan and some circles inside the organization, who took this discriminative action against the DPRK only, yielding to the pressure of the above-said two countries, the spokesman said, and continued:

The U.S. has spread sheer lies about the DPRK’s “diversion of UNDP’s program fund” since the outset of the year in a bid to tarnish the international image of the DPRK. Taking advantage of this, Japan has pressurized the UNDP to suspend its country program for the DPRK. It wooed some member states of its executive board to reopen the discussion on the already passed country program for the DPRK.

Some officials of the UNDP tried to cancel the country program of developmental nature for the DPRK contrary to its mission under the pressure from outside and adjust it into a country program of humanitarian nature and has unilaterally closed or cancelled the ongoing project.

As regards this discriminative step taken against the country program for the DPRK only, it demanded the UNDP explicitly explain and clarify the step. The UNDP, however, has kept mum about the demand, deliberately avoiding its answer.

The DPRK does not care about whether it receives small assistance from the UNDP or not but it will not tolerate even a bit any foolish attempt to hurt its dignity.

It is the firm stand of the DPRK not to receive any politically motivated assistance seeking a sinister aim in the future, too.

Share

Kim Jong Il Provides Field Guidance to Pakchon Silk Mill

Tuesday, March 13th, 2007

KCNA
3/13/2007

General Secretary Kim Jong Il provided field guidance to the Pakchon Silk Mill in North Phyongan Province. 

He went round the monument to the on-the-spot instructions given by President Kim Il Sung and the monument to his on-the-spot guidance standing in the compound of the mill. 

He said that the Pakchon Silk Mill turned into a modern silk producer thanks to the wise guidance and meticulous care of Kim Il Sung, underscoring the need to bring about a leap forward in production, always bearing his behests deep in mind. 

He made the rounds of various production processes. 

The WPK has strictly subordinated all problems arising in economic construction to improving the standard of the people’s living, he said, adding that to settle the problem of clothing is one of the two major important tasks as it is as essential as the food problem. 

It is an important work directly linked with the issue of improving the standard of the people’s living to increase the production of quality clothing materials and blankets, he noted, stressing the need to direct big efforts to producing silk to bring about a turn in settling the problem of clothing. 

The producers should acquire technical skill now that the mill has been furnished with new type technological equipment, he said, calling upon all the officials and workers to strive to acquire advanced science and technology. 

He expressed the expectation and conviction that the officials, workers and technicians of the mill would display creative ingenuity and patriotic devotion to boost the production of quality silk and blankets for the people and thus successfully discharge an honorable mission and duty as genuine servants for them. 

He was accompanied by Kim Phyong Hae, chief secretary of the North Phyongan Provincial Committee of the WPK, Pak Nam Gi, department director of the WPK Central Committee, and Ri Jae Il, first vice department director of the WPK Central Committee.

Share

Firms venture into North Korea

Tuesday, March 13th, 2007

Asia Times
3/13/2007

Chinese auto maker Brilliance Auto recently signed an agreement with PMC of South Korea on jointly launching an assembly plant in North Korea.

The North Korean facility will be Brilliance Auto’s third after its operations in Egypt and Vietnam.

Brilliance Auto is neither the first nor the most active of the Chinese auto makers making direct investments abroad. Quite a few have already done or are doing so. Among them are Chery, Geely, Jianghuai, Chang’an, Great Wall, and BYD Auto, which have launched greenfield auto plants abroad, and Shanghai Automotive and Nanjing Automotive, which have invested abroad through merger and acquisition.

Chery is a leader in this regard, making great efforts on building CKD (complete knockdown) factories abroad in recent years. Aside from the existing assembly plants in Iran and Russia, it is looking for such opportunities in Egypt, Romania, Turkey, Indonesia, Italy and Argentina. Its Argentina joint-venture project with the local Socma group, involving investment of US$100 million, will be controlled by Chery. If it goes ahead, it will be the first China-invested auto venture in South America. Chery plans to own 12 assembly plants worldwide within a short time.

Geely also has been active in going global. It has invested in Malaysia and is preparing for another new factory in Russia.

Jianghuai, meanwhile, has established light-truck assembly plants in Vietnam, Malaysia and Indonesia.

Industry analysts hold that excessive capacity in the domestic market after rapid expansion in recent years is prompting Chinese auto makers to look for overseas markets. However, they are often hit with tariff barriers from the importing nations. For instance, Russia levies about a 25% tariff on complete vehicle imports, but only about 3% on knockdowns.

Direct investment overseas is regarded as a solution to such barriers.

So far, the overseas investments of Chinese auto makers have been concentrated in emerging markets such as the Middle East, Southeast Asia and Africa.

Share

Plans to Employ 3,000 Pyongyang Workers At Gaesung Industrial Complex

Monday, March 12th, 2007

Daily NK
Kim Song A
3/12/2007

Inter-Korean Economic Cooperation “Motive on driving a stable complex”

A claim has been made suggesting that North Korea will reallocate 3,000 workers from Pyongyang to Kaesung Industrial Complex.

Representative Kim Kyu Chul of the Citizen’s Solidarity for Inter-Korean Economic Cooperation revealed on the 11th, “North Korea’s Guidance Bureau for Developing Central Special Economic Zone informed the plan to the South Korean government and enterprisers who are moving in the zone and asked them to provide employees with accommodation.”

Representative Kim informed “In the past, the North has employed workers from other regions to maintain stable human resources… For the first time, workers from Pyongyang will be employed at Kaesung Industrial Complex. These people will be amongst the 18,000 skilled workers already working at Kaesung.”

Furthermore, Representative Kim disclosed his opinion, “The motive behind the North’s recent plan is its determination to establish a more stable Kaesung Industrial Complex and to minimize insecure business aspects related to human resources.”

In response, a South Korean governmental official said “The issue of worker’s accommodation has been a case continuously faced by the North” and added “We cannot know the North’s specific intentional plan for human resources but we will keep in contact to discuss these practical affairs.”

Presently, 11,740 North Korean and 689 South Korean full-time employees are working at Kaesung Industrial Complex. In the case a 3,305km square of factories site on the first phrase is completed as scheduled for this year, then 300 or so companies will be able to lease the area. Consequently, the number of North Korean workers needed at Kaesung Complex will exceed 80,000.

In addition to this, the Korea Industrial Complex Corporation announced that apartments approx. 22.5km square would be on the market until the 14th, for 40 or so companies interested in the factory complex. The Korea Land Corporation will also begin inspections next month in order to find a location for a 1,752km square factory site.

Share

Home of N.Korean Leader’s Son ‘Burgled’

Monday, March 12th, 2007

Choson Ilbo
3/12/2007

Intelligence services have information that the Macau home of North Korean leader Kim Jong-il’s eldest son Kim Jong-nam was burgled, sources say. Authorities are trying to confirm the information. A government official in Seoul told a reporter there was a rumor that homes in an exclusive villa complex in Coloane Island were broken into, and related government offices and police are investigating.

The Zhuyuan Haoyuan villa complex is 15 minutes from downtown Macau and its 80 villas are among the territory’s most exclusive. The average price of each villa is estimated HK$15 million, roughly US$1.92 million. Yellow sunflower symbols adorning the doors of nos. 361 and 371 easily identify them as Kim Jong-nam’s.

Share

The Choson Development Fund

Sunday, March 11th, 2007

The Chosun Development & Investment Fund is a privately structured Limited Partnership Fund incorporated in the United Kingdom and based in London.

Specifically designed for investment in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (“DPRK”) or (“North Korea”). Chosun Fund is now beginning to seek subscriptions from qualifying investors. This follows the authorisation of Chosun Fund’s Fund Manager, Anglo-Sino Capital Partners Limited on 19th May 2006 by the UK Financial Services Authority.

Chosun Fund will concentrate entirely on the DPRK and will channel external investment into the economic development of that country.

The exclusive Investment Advisor to Chosun Fund Fund manager is Hong Kong based Koryo Asia Limited (“Koryo Asia”) whose team of principals has over 25 years experience of commercial & financial dealings with the DPRK and in Asia generally.

The principals working with Chosun Fund will initially be concentrating on those areas of the DPRK economy with which they are familiar and which they believe can be developed quickly and efficiently to generate foreign exchange cash flow for the DPRK.

As a completely private initiative it is intended that Chosun Fund is a fully transparent financial vehicle that will assist the DPRK develop its legitimate economic activities along internationally accepted lines and also provide an attractive return to investors.

This first-to-market fund has the capability to deliver a significant return on investment in the near term and considerably enhanced returns after the expected resolution of the current nuclear issue and other problems. This should result in a substantial expansion in the economy of North-East Asia’s last emerging economy.

About the Fund

The idea of an investment fund specifically for The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea) began at a conference in July 2000 held by the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies in Honolulu, and entitled “Engagement and Development in the DPRK” , to which Colin McAskill (McAskill), the originator of this project, was invited because of his experience in dealing with the DPRK.   The conference was also attended by Mr. James Kelly, prior to him joining the US State Department as Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs in the first George W. Bush administration.   Following the conference McAskill was called to the US State Department by a special adviser in the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs (in the administration of President Clinton), who wished to talk to him about realistic prospects for business in the DPRK – an issue of concern at the time since the “Perry process” held out foreign investment and business as one of the benefits of the DPRK’s engagement with the outside world.

McAskill said that he had come to the conclusion that a private initiative to set up an investment fund, which could initiate or participate in repeated dealings in the DPRK, and thus be seen by the ruling hierarchy as too important to alienate through non-performance, could avoid many of the pitfalls of investing in, or dealing with, the DPRK.   The State Department Official agreed with his analysis and encouraged McAskill to set up such a fund.

Partners were gathered and engaged to set up such a fund. Aware that although this was completely a private business initiative it engendered a certain political sensitivity, McAskill met with US Assistant Secretary Kelly in September of 2001 to brief him on progress.   Kelly had no objection to such a fund as long as it kept within the parameters of US law and asked to be kept informed. By the autumn of 2002 a fund based in the US was ready to be launched but, with the serious deterioration in political relations between the US and the DPRK in October 2002, several partners in the US asked if they could postpone their active participation.

As a result of this, the planning of the fund was reconstituted with the emphasis deliberately shifted to North East Asia, with new partners in Hong Kong and China as well as with experienced fund managers in London.

McAskill has kept the US government informed of the Fund’s progress. Similar to the close contact kept with the US State Department, McAskill has also kept both the UK Foreign Office and the Republic of Korea (ROK or South Korea) government fully informed, the latter through contact with the South Korean Ambassador in London as well as the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Ministry of Unification in Seoul. McAskill’s partners in China have similarly informed the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC or China).

While the organisers and participants in the Fund fully understand the decision to keep relevant governments informed as a matter of courtesy, and to comply with any laws or regulations by those governments that affect the Fund, it should be emphasised that the Fund is a purely private business initiative. Its establishment in London, and the authorisation and regulation of its Fund Manager by the UK Financial Services Authority will ensure complete transparency.

McAskill has been involved in business dealings with the DPRK since 1978 (his first visit to the DPRK was in 1979/1980), primarily in coordinating the emergence of parts of the DPRK’s business community into western markets. This included the certification and sale of DPRK bullion and other minerals in the London market, and also in assisting other significant DPRK state entities in their dealings with western institutions, especially European banks, over their defaulted debts. Dealings with the DPRK became somewhat moribund in the 1990s due to internal political developments there, coupled with the natural disasters that overran the country causing widespread damage and a general contraction of the DPRK economy. During this period McAskill continued to maintain contact with senior associates in both business and banking institutions in Pyongyang.

The DPRK leadership has officially declared that it will pursue a controlled opening to commerce and is seeking foreign capital. In 2002 it introduced internal reforms that allowed the economy to become more market orientated. The reforms are now entrenched and gradually expanding to a point where most outside experts on the DPRK believe they have become irreversible.

The management, partners, and directors of the Fund understand the risk inherent in dealing with the DPRK, but also believe that the Fund can achieve returns commensurate with that risk. The Fund will seek initially to deal with and invest in key areas of the DPRK economy that have been known to operate successfully in the past, concentrating on transactions in sectors that were proven hard currency exporters into Western markets, mainly minerals, but have been subject to recent performance constraints.  Later dealings will take advantage of a wide variety of opportunities that are expected to become available as the DPRK economy opens and develops.

The DPRK government is aware of these developments, at first via senior DPRK officials engaged in the six-party talks in Beijing whom McAskill met with in July 2005. This was followed by meetings in Beijing in December 2005 and again in Asia in April 2006 with a special envoy sent from Pyongyang to establish direct contact. And, as a result of the earlier meeting, McAskill’s partner and management team member in China was invited to meet the DPRK Ambassador in Beijing on 15th August 2005.

The creation of the Chosun Fund and the authorisation & regulation by the UK Financial Services Authority of Chosun Fund’s Fund Manager has now formally been announced to the DPRK government.

Share

South will give money directly to North Korea

Sunday, March 11th, 2007

Update: the money went missing.

South Korea criticizes North Korea for failing to disclose how aid was used
Herald Tribune
2/11/2008
 

South will give money directly to North Korea
Joong Ang Daily

Lee Young-jong and Ser Myo-ja
3/12/2007

Although South Korea does not allow cash to be given directly to North Korea, it made a deal of its own.

The two countries announced Saturday that Seoul would give Pyongyang cash to buy video conference equipment. A South Korean official said yesterday the amount will be $400,000.

North Korea will use the money to set up video conference calls between families separated during the Korean War, according to a joint statement issued Saturday by the two countries.

The South Korean government has strictly banned humanitarian groups ― as well as all residents ― from giving cash to the North due to concerns the money could be spent for other purposes.

“We decided to assist the North to smoothly resolve the separated family issue,” the official said, adding that the government will thoroughly monitor the spending of the money and the use of the equipment.

The cash payment agreement was first made at a Red Cross meeting in June 2006, but never publicly announced. The money was not exchanged because North Korea conducted a missile test the next month, temporarily freezing inter-Korean relations.

After progress in the recent six-party talks designed to make North Korea nuclear-free, South Korean Red Cross officials pledged again on Saturday at a meeting at a Mount Kumgang resort to give Pyongyang the money, the official said on condition of anonymity.

According to the joint statement, the two Koreas agreed that video conference call reunions will be expanded. The two Koreas also agreed a video conference call reunion center will be built in Pyongyang, separately from the reunion center under construction at Mount Kumgang, and that Seoul will provide construction material and equipment. The material and money will be released at the end of March, the agreement said.

Neither the joint statement nor the press release specified the amount of money, but the Seoul official said it will be $400,000. The construction material to be provided to the North is worth another $3.5 million, he said.

The South Korean government was unable to give the video conference call equipment, such as liquid crystal display monitors and computers, directly to the North because of United States regulations banning the export of dual-use goods to North Korea. Under the United States export administration regulations, strategic goods that include more than 10 percent of United States-made components or technology, are banned for export to state sponsors of terrorism, which include North Korea.

According to the official, South Korea advised the North to purchase the items from China with the cash. Washington could make an exception to the export ban, presumably at Seoul’s request, but it would take time to do so.

In addition to the cash, the $3.5 million worth of goods, such as trucks, construction materials, air conditioners, heaters and cables, will be provided to build a video conference call center in Pyongyang.

At the Red Cross talks, the North also agreed to resume the construction of the reunion center on Mount Kumgang on March 21. The two Koreas began the construction in August 2005, but the work stalled last July. The buildings are about 30 percent complete.

Last week’s Red Cross meeting was scheduled for only one day, for about two hours. Due to the North’s persistent demands for cash and materials, the talks went on for a second day, the government official said.

Share

U.N. agency supplied N. Korea with cash

Sunday, March 11th, 2007

Chicago Tribune
Bay Fang
3/11/2007

Office closes at the same time an audit was ordered into payments

The United Nations Development Program office in Pyongyang, North Korea, sits in a Soviet-style compound. Like clockwork, a North Korean official wearing a standard-issue dark windbreaker and slacks would come to the door each business day.

He would take a manila envelope stuffed with cash — a healthy portion of the United Nation’s disbursements for aid projects in the country — and leave without ever providing receipts.

According to sources at the United Nations, this went on for years, resulting in the transfer of up to $150 million in hard foreign currency to the Kim Jong Il government at a time when the United States was trying to keep the North Korean government from receiving hard currency as part of its sanctions against the Kim regime.

“At the end, we were being used completely as an ATM machine for the regime,” said one U.N. official with extensive knowledge of the program. “We were completely a cash cow, the only cash cow in town. The money was going to the regime whenever they wanted it.”

Last week, the development program, known as UNDP, quietly suspended operations in North Korea, saying it could not operate under guidelines imposed by its executive board in January that prohibited payments in hard currency and forbade the employment of local workers handpicked by the North Korean government.

But some diplomats suspect the timing of the suspension was heavily influenced by a looming audit that could have proved embarrassing to the United Nations.

Documents obtained by the Chicago Tribune indicate that as early as last May, top UNDP officials at headquarters in New York were informed in writing of significant problems relating to the agency’s use of hard foreign currency in North Korea and that such use violated U.N. regulations that local expenses be paid in local currency. No action was taken for months.

Then, under pressure from the United States, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon on Jan. 19 ordered an audit of all U.N. operations in North Korea to be completed within 90 days, or by mid-April.

The Board of Auditors, the U.N. body tasked with the audit, made no movement on the audit for 40 days after Ban’s order. It sent out its notification letter for the beginning of the audit on the same day the development program announced the closure of its office — March 1.

That timing, combined with past concerns about the UNDP’s transparency, has raised suspicions that suspending operations would be a way to hamstring the audit, the results of which may prove damning to the organization.

“The office was closed precisely for that reason,” said another U.N. official with extensive knowledge of the program. “With no operations in place, first of all, you have no claim to get auditors into the country. Second, it will take months and months to get documentation out of the office there, to transfer to somewhere else like New York.”

The U.N. sources who spoke about the development operations in North Korea requested anonymity either for fear of retribution or because of the diplomatic sensitivity of the subject.

The saga of the UNDP in North Korea joins a list of other episodes in which critics have complained that the United Nations is a sprawling bureaucracy with few safeguards and little accountability. The Bush administration has been particularly outspoken about the United Nation’s need for reform.

The Oil-for-Food scandal, which erupted in 2004, involved corruption in a program designed to provide humanitarian aid for Iraqis, whose country faced economic sanctions. Ultimately, it emerged that the program had resulted in $1.8 billion in kickbacks and surcharges paid to Saddam Hussein’s regime.

Ban, a South Korean who took office in January, has sought to present himself as a fresh-faced reformer.

All this occurs against the backdrop of intensifying talks with Pyongyang over its nuclear weapons capacity, the most recent of which took place last week in New York. Last month, the United States and four other nations signed a deal with North Korea promising aid in exchange for the shutting down of a nuclear reactor and a series of steps toward disarmament and normalized relations.

A spokesman for the U.S. mission to the United Nations, Richard Grenell, said the United States supports the audit going forward to find out the extent of the problems at the UNDP office in Pyongyang. North Korean officials could not be reached.

Despite the closure of the UNDP office in North Korea, the audit is moving ahead. U.N. officials say they expect the audited documents to show not only the hard currency transfers to representatives of Kim’s government, but also the inability of staff on the ground to confirm that the money was going to its programs.

According to sources familiar with UN operations in North Korea, the international staff of the development program and other UN agencies were not allowed to leave the compound without a government escort.

They were not allowed to go outside Pyongyang without receiving special permission from the military at least a week in advance. They were not allowed to set foot in a bank. And under no circumstances were they allowed to make unrestricted visits to the projects they were supposed to be funding.

These rules mirror the restrictive conditions set by the U.S. government on diplomats from North Korea who must stay within 25 miles of New York City.

The UNDP, whose mission is to help the country develop economically, was one of several UN agencies operating in North Korea, including UNICEF and the World Health Organization. The United Nations is one of few channels for foreign aid in the secretive, authoritarian country.

One of the UNDP projects, sources said, involved the purchase of 300 computers for Kim Il Sung University. The computers supposedly arrived in Pyongyang, but the international staff was not allowed to see the equipment it had donated.

Finally, after a month and a half of pressuring their North Korean handlers, staffers were led to a room in which two computers sat. They were told the others were packed in boxes, which they were not allowed to open.

And while the UNDP’s programs — which have included projects such as “Human Resource Upgrading to Support Air Traffic Services” and “Strengthening of the Institute for Garment Technology” — cost anywhere from $3 million to $8 million a year total, the development program also acted as the administrative officer for all the UN agencies and wrote checks for tens of millions of dollars worth of programming every year.

The UNDP’s financial officer and its treasurer in Pyongyang, who issued those checks, were both North Korean.

UN officials privately describe a vivid scene playing out at the agency’s compound each day.

A driver in a UN-issued Toyota Corolla would pull out of the compound’s gate, taking UN checks to the bank. A short time later the driver, a North Korean employed by UNDP, would return with manila envelopes stuffed with tens of thousands of dollars in hard currency.

Then the windbreaker-clad North Korean official would show up and take the cash away.

UNDP spokesman David Morrison said the use of hard currency and the hiring of staff through local governments was standard practice in authoritarian countries like North Korea. Morrison said his understanding was that the agency had never had problems with site visits, and that in 2005 its staff had visited 10 of its 11 monitorable projects.

The agency was complying with the audit, Morrison said, “in order to take away even the perception that anything was untoward.”

But others believe the development program has no choice but to cooperate with the audit.

In January, a letter written to the head of UNDP by Mark Wallace, the U.S. ambassador to the UN for management and reform, was leaked to the U.S. media. The letter, which drew on Wallace’s review of internal audits dating back to 1998, accused the program of having been “systematically perverted for the benefit of the Kim Jong Il regime.”

These claims by the United States, supported by Japan, the two biggest donors to UNDP, pressured the secretary general to quickly order the audit.

“If there were simply the use of hard currency, or simply no site visits, that’s one thing,” said a UN diplomat familiar with the issue. “But when you combine the fact that large cash payments were made directly to officials of Kim’s government with the fact there were no site visits to verify how the cash was being used, that’s a great cause of concern.”

The first phase of the audit is scheduled to begin Monday in New York. It remains unclear whether the auditors will attempt to visit North Korea. It is possible that even if the UNDP office were still open, Pyongyang would not have granted them visas.

Even with its limited scope, the audit could yield significant revelations about how the agency worked in a dictatorial, tightly controlled society.

“There wasn’t a snowball’s chance in hell that they’d allow us to see what they did with all the cash they received,” said a member of the diplomatic community in New York. “But UNDP headquarters and the country office should be able to tell us what kinds of checks they were making, were they paid in cash, what, who, where the money was going to.”

The Board of Auditors had no comment for this article, but Morrison, the UNDP spokesman, said the organization was making arrangements to safeguard documents by transferring them to one of the other UN agencies in Pyongyang. He said that those necessary for the initial stages of the audit would be copied and carried to New York in electronic form by the UNDP chief in Pyongyang, who is due to leave North Korea within days.

But some suggest the mid-April deadline does not leave enough time to produce a thorough review.

“I don’t think this is an audit you can whip through in 30 days; this may take some time,” John Bolton, the U.S. ambassador to the UN until the end of last year and a staunch critic of the world body, said when contacted by the Tribune for a reaction to the newspaper’s reporting of the cash payments. “But I think for the reputation and integrity of the UN system, it’s critical that it proceed without delay.”

Share