North Korean Economy Watch

Yonhap
6/9/2007

About 200 North Korean workers employed by companies in the Czech Republic have been asked to leave the country by the end of this year, as the East European nation refused to extend their work visas, a U.S. broadcaster reported Saturday.

Radio Free Asia (RFA), quoting the Czech News Agency, said the Czech government decided to replace the North Korean manual workers with laborers from Vietnam and Mongolia, following a U.N. resolution against the North over its nuclear weapons program.

The Czech Republic’s decision also seems to be related to suspicion that wages earned by overseas North Korean workers were exploited by the North Korean leadership in Pyongyang, said the report. Some 200 other North Korean workers were already forced to return home last year for similar reasons, it added.

According to the RFA, Czech government officials confirmed that some North Korean workers had asked for their wages to be sent to “one specific account.”

The U.S. government has frequently called for countries not to hire North Korean workers, arguing their wages are being diverted to the government.

“Because the North Korean government takes a major portion of workers’ salaries, these arrangements provide material support for a rogue government, its nuclear ambitions, and its human-rights atrocities,” Jay Lefkowitz, a U.S. presidential envoy for North Korean Human Rights, said in an opinion piece in the Wall Street Journal earlier this year.

Hankyoreh
Authored by Ryu Yi-geun and translated by Daniel Rakove

PYONYANG: “Next time, please come back and purchase something,” implored Mr. Hong to the customers leaving his store empty-handed.

“You’re saying you earn more if you sell more?”

“You bet.”

But this reporter was still suspicious. Four days later, I carefully asked our handler for confirmation.

“Of course it’s true,” he assured me. “Even in the same eight-hour workday, he who produces more results gets paid more.”

The concept of receiving compensation in proportion to the amount of sales is one that is now long familiar to North Koreans. Yet what is surprising is the gusto with which North Korean store staff will go to in encouraging South Korean tourists to buy their products, a phenomenon indicative of how great the materialistic impulse has become in the reclusive communist nation.

Constructed in Pyongyang’s central district in 1995, the 47-story Yanggak Hotel seems to float above the Daedong River like an island. Mr. Hong works at a store there on the second floor. There is even a spot next door to exchange money. Though the set prices are written on each product – in Euros – the South Korean customers managed to save a bit through bargaining. The owner was at first insistent that all products be only sold for the listed price, but he finally gave way after a long give and take with the customers. He decided it worthwhile to sell his products slightly cheaper, if only to make a profit. Though most transactions are conducted at the listed price, there were instances at the hotel store and other establishments of selling to tourists at a discounted rate after haggling over the price.

Elements of capitalism are slowly making their way into North Korean life – wrapped in the euphemism of “utility.” After returning from his trip to North Korea from May 14-18, on which he led 130 economic delegates, Min Byeong-seok, Director of the Hankyoreh Foundation for Reunification and Culture proclaimed, “I could unmistakably feel here and there that North Korea is changing.”

It is of course difficult to confirm the presence of change in North Korea. This is in part because the changes are occurring at a low level. After all, there is always a difference in what we look for compared to what we are shown. This is what makes it difficult for someone to declare unreservedly, “North Korea is this,” or “North Korea is that.” There are also parts of North Korea that are difficult to understand due to the biases originating from the political system and values of the observer. Hankyoreh21 managed to get a spot in the group of Pyongyang-bound economic delegates, and recorded below is a compilation of the various things we witnessed.

“My life has gotten so much better since last year.” These words did not seem to be mere propaganda. Whether spoken by our North Korean guide or the various Pyongyang citizens with whom we came in contact, their words were by and large the same. One citizen told us, “My wages increased from 3,000 to 6,000 North Korean won,” and consumer prices “went up about 10-20 percent.” In other words, wages have increased much faster than has the rate of inflation. Yet that man cannot be taken to be the representative Pyongyang laborer, nor does he have the credibility of an economist.

Indeed, it is hard to grasp the level of inflation in North Korea: all one can do is take an educated guess. Lee Do-hyang of the Institute for National Security Strategy said, “These things are evidence that the financial situation is improving and the economy is enduring,” adding, “It seems that the quality of life for common people is taking a turn for the better.” Yet in North Korea, where it is said some US$30 a month is necessary to get by, a 3,000 North Korean won raise is not exactly a windfall: 6,000 North Korean won is about equivalent to $2, and on the black market, $1 sells for 3,000 North Korean won. Thus, the rationing and side jobs that bring in an additional $15-20 a month are an essential source of income.

Pyongyang’s major marketplaces have grown livelier. Stretching between 2,000 and 3,000 pyeong (1 pyeong is 3.3 sq. meters), one large-scale market has taken up a spot next to Kimchaek Industrial School on a once-empty spot along Otangangan Street. In the shape of a high school gym, the market’s two-story building is covered in a blue roof and the exterior is clean. Visible from the Yanggak Hotel, the market was bustling at 6 p.m. on May 16. The Bonghak Market next to the Pyongyang Cosmetics Factory was also busy once the sun set. At least one marketplace has taken shape in each of Pyongyang’s 18 districts. Each one is a symbol of capitalism’s penetration of the socialist, planned economy. The activities in each market are said to be hardly distinguishable from the capitalism found in other countries.

One citizen said, “The people go to the markets more, where the prices are a little bit cheaper than at the nationally operated stores. Even if one doesn’t buy anything, it is fun to look around, what with the variety of goods for sale and the haggling going on.” Most citizens are said to buy their daily necessities at such markets, having become an essential part of daily North Korean life.

Street food vendors started appearing quite a while ago, but their numbers are ever-increasing. The fairly tidy vendors can be seen here and there throughout Pyongyang, selling a variety of goods, including soft drinks, ice cream, bread, rice cakes, and so on. Each product runs between 100-300 North Korean won.

The local People’s Committee gives licenses for the operation of such stands to various companies or the descendants of revolutionaries. A portion of sales is taken by the state and the remainder of the profit goes to the managing company or individual.

Though the residents of Nampo, a port city 40 minutes by bus from Pyongyang, do not seem to be better off than their Pyongyang counterparts, the city is quite lively. On the journey from the major ship repair factory by the port, through the city center, and to the freeway entrance leading to Pyongyang, 50-60 separate street food vendors were spotted. The products they were selling as well as their method of sale were quite diverse. Some vendors – most likely new ones – simply laid out their goods on the ground for sale, showing even to the outsider that North Korea’s markets have hit a growth surge.

Five years have passed since the July 1, 2002 economic measures were instituted by the North Korean government, raising wages as well as the currency’s value. In addition, the price of rice and other necessities was increased, and a system of incentives and limited independent capital was expanded. Yet very few North Korean people have even heard of “the 7/1 measures.” Only after talking for a significant length of time will they mention the notion of “utility” that has been pursued over the last few years.

At the end of Unification Road in the Nagnang district of southern Pyongyang, the Phoenix Clothing Factory is producing clothing on commission. The 1,000-pyeong factory is unceasingly filled with the whirr of sewing machines. U Beom-su, 53, introduced himself to the South Korean observers as the company’s “chief executive,” explaining, “The workers work eight hours a day, but when the fixed day for shipment draws near, we have no choice but to put them on overtime.” The payment system for workers is multi-tiered, with five levels, the salary increasing with rank. Every month, one laborer is chosen from each team of workers as being the most outstanding, and is given bonus compensation. The ‘chief executive’ explained that further incentive payments were rewarded based upon the factory’s production levels on the whole.

It is unclear as to how widespread this model of business is, but director of the Korea Institute for National Unification Lee Bong-jo said that “the seeds of competition are visible.” However, the workers at the Yuwon Shoe Factory and the Pyongyang Cosmetics Factory were flustered when asked about their salaries or the labor system and evaded giving an answer.

The will for liberalization was evident here and there. At the 10th annual Pyongyang Spring International Trade Fair on May 14, 200 companies from 12 countries participated, either to view the product lines or to display their own. The majority were Chinese companies, including its largest electronics firm, Haier, while there were several sections of the exhibition primarily interested in retailing to the foreign visitors themselves, the determination by North Korea to get its products out to foreign markets was apparent.

Many members from the South Korean team of economic representatives also participated. In particular, representatives from Daewoo Shipbuilding & Marine Engineering Co., Ltd, the world’s second largest shipbuilder, as well as the Korea Port Engineering Company, visited the Yeongnam Ship Repair Factory and the Nampo Port to explore the possibility of making investments in those places. In a gesture of consideration, the Northern handlers prepared a separate automobile for the potential investors to explore the grounds, and held a separate consultation session for them beyond the general one for the economic delegates. On multiple occasions, various North Korean officials expressed an interest in attracting South Korean capital. The self-confidence they showed hinted at a sense that they had to some extent resolved the immediate issues of day-to-day subsistence. It may sound strange, but the consensus of those who had also made the trip last year was that the electricity situation had improved. In other words, basic economic conditions seemed to be on the upswing. Perhaps the self-confidence North Koreans showed in displaying their possession of a nuclear weapon has now flowed into the economic sector, thus explaining their will for some liberalization.

Yet simply because there is a will for opening up does not mean liberalization will come easily. One Daewoo source explained, “[We told the North Koreans that] there must be assurances before we invest. They have to provide the same conditions that China does.” At this point, there is probably not a single person who could make such assurances on behalf of the North Koreans. The country is still unprepared to take advantage of the money available to it from the South through the economic cooperation program. The six-party talks also must also make some progress on the nuclear issue. Furthermore, if North Korean – U.S. relations do not improve, then free trade between North and South will remain uncertain indefinitely.

In the case that external matters are settled and the will for liberalization strengthens, then the vitalization of the North Korean economy could quickly pick up with the improvement of infrastructure, such as the electricity grid and logistics, which are pointed to as the largest stumbling blocks. The reporters who arrived first on May 12 witnessed, for instance, how the automatic doors and the elevator on the first floor of the Yanggak Hotel took 30 minutes to warm up. While the houses themselves gave off light after the sun set, the streets between them were completely dark. The mere 20-30 percent rate of operation at factories as estimated by experts is partially accountable to a lack of raw materials, but most of all to the deficiency of electricity.

The rigidity of the economic system only adds to North Korea’s list of woes. Though the director of Pyongyang Cosmetics has requested raw materials and modern machinery, he does not have the full authority to manage the company. Another company has imported the raw materials from China, and he confessed that he knew little of the specifics on the subject. The director of the Daeanchinseon Glass Factory made a similarly vague request for “raw materials.”

The problems go deeper. For one, there was no sign on the part of the North Korean factory managers to think of the visiting economic representatives as business counterparts in the world of capital and industry. For example, even photography by the group of South Korean trade representatives was forbidden within the factory grounds. Another chronic problem is the ease by which North Koreans that are not economic officials or specialists break promises. Furthermore, as often appears in planned economies, there is a single-minded focus on “production” without consideration of whether the product being made is for domestic use or for export. This sort of difficulty was evident at the cosmetics and shoe factories, as well.

Lee Bong-jo, director of the Korea Institute for National Unification, offered some advice to the South: “Knowledge of North Korea must precede any investments there.”

It seems that amongst difficulty, Pyongyang may be carefully seeking change. Though it remains stuck in the dilemma of pursuing liberalization while maintaining regime stability, it is increasingly sending strong signs to the outside world of a will for liberalization. As South Korean Former Minister of Unification Jeong Sye-hyeon said, “It is difficult for North Korea to go backwards.”

AFP (Hat Tip DPRK Studies)
Simon Martin
5/23/2007

The managers of this capitalist enclave in communist North Korea are appealing for the world’s support, saying their experiment in free markets can pave the way for regional peace.

Diplomats who toured the Kaesong Industrial Complex Tuesday were urged to set aside worries over the North’s nuclear programme and to invest in the complex adjacent to the world’s last and heavily fortified Cold War frontier.

“I know you are concerned about the political situation on the peninsula but I strongly believe inter-Korean projects can help reduce tension,” Kim Chul-Soon told lunch guests of diplomats and reporters who toasted the project with North Korean “Wild Flower” wine to the strains of Mozart.

Kim is executive vice-president of Hyundai Asan, the South Korean firm which since 1998 has invested 1.2 billion dollars in Kaesong and in the North Korean tourist resort of Mount Kumgang on the east coast.

Work began at Kaesong in 2005 and the complex now has 22 factories with five more under construction. The workforce totals some 12,100 North Koreans, including construction workers, and 700 from the South.

Ambitious plans, strongly backed by the South Korean government, call for some 2,000 companies employing 350,000 people by 2020.

A management committee of the two sides touts Kaesong as “the hope for the future” of the two Koreas, which had almost no economic exchanges until a groundbreaking summit in 2000.

Committee chairman Kim Dong-Kun noted that Kaesong was one of the battlegrounds of the 1950-53 war which cemented the peninsula’s division.

“I am confident it will pave the way for peace and stability in the Korean peninsula and Northeast Asia but I realise this will only be through strong international support,” he told diplomats.

Visitors to Kaesong are greeted by a portrait of North Korea’s “Great Leader” Kim Il-Sung, who died in 1994, as they pass through the heavily fortified frontier zone.

But the fenced-off complex, funded almost entirely by the South, is otherwise a propaganda-free zone. North Korean officials refer to “South Korea” rather than the “south side,” as official media terms its neighbouring nation.

Pictures of North Korea’s Kim dynasty are not in evidence, apart from on lapel badges, and presentations praise the private sector.

Managers say they want to emulate Shenzhen, the special economic zone bordering Hong Kong which kick-started China’s economic boom. But unlike in Shenzhen, North Korean workers — described as diligent, well-educated and eager to learn — cannot spend their wages as they wish.

Companies pay the basic wage, 57 dollars and 50 cents a month for a 48-hour working week, to North Korean officials.

The officials, on average, return 15-20 percent to the worker in North Korean won and the remainder in the form of food and other essentials.

Given the North’s crumbling command economy and persistent food shortages, jobs at Kaesong are still apparently desirable.

“Because North and South Korea are working together, it feels great because unification will come sooner,” said one female worker at the ShinWon textile factory in a typical response.

Asked how much she earns, she told AFP through an interpreter that “we earn enough to make a living and keep our stomachs full.”

Kaesong’s supporters say it will narrow the huge economic gap between North and South but they seek foreign support. Apart from one Japan-invested joint venture, all factories at present are owned by South Korean companies which enjoy tax breaks to invest.

Six sites have been set aside for overseas firms in the first phase.

Goods are labelled “Made in Korea” and are covered by Seoul’s free trade deals with Southeast Asia. But the United States, which sealed an FTA with South Korea recently, agreed only to consider the Kaesong issue later.

The aim is also to revitalise South Korea’s small- and medium-size firms, especially textile companies which are struggling against competition from cheaper Chinese labour. Textiles account for almost half of Kaesong’s total production worth 115 million dollars since it opened.

Yonhap
5/22/2007

A lawmaker of the pro-government Uri Party has said the North Korean economy has taken a step toward economic openness.

But North Korea watchers still remained suspicious as to whether the Pyongyang regime has the genuine determination to carry out market-oriented economic reform.

“I got the strong impression that the North is striving toward economic reform during my visit to Pyongyang,” said Rep. Choi Sung of the Uri Party in a telephone interview with The Korea Times Monday.

Choi visited the North from May 14 to 18 with 130 South Korean business leaders to participate in fairs to attract external investment.

The Stalinist country is unlikely to follow in the footsteps the former Soviet Union took in the post-Cold War era, and therefore, its growth model will take a different form, Choi said.

“The North is seeking a tailored growth model by introducing an incentive-based system while maintaining its communist regime,” said the lawmaker who has visited the North 20 times.

He said the library of one of the elite universities in the North displayed a wide array of information technology related publications, and citizens were anxious to learn English.

“Clerks working at shops selling souvenirs looked very business-oriented and tried to sell as many products as possible to their customers,” he said.

Asked if he had a chance to talk to any North Korean officials if they share his view, Rep. Choi said he had not.

He said it was very evident the North was moving toward economic openness.

His view, however, is at odds with what most North Korea watchers have expressed through media reports.

The Yonhap News Agency reported on May 18 that former North Korean Prime Minister Pak Pong-ju was removed and made manager of a chemical complex because his capitalism-oriented stance fueled objections from senior North Korea officials.

Pak was named manger of the synthetic fiber complex in South Pyongan Province, the report said.

Citing unidentified sources, the report said the former premier had called on the North to introduce an incentive-based system into its economy.

The conservative Chosun Ilbo newspaper supported the observation in an article published on May 19, saying that key officials calling for introducing an incentive-based system in the North have been demoted since the 1990s.

Reuters (Hat tip to DPRK Studies)
5/22/2007

The park is located in the North Korean border city of Kaesong about 70 km (45 miles) – (Reuters) – The Kaesong industrial complex in North Korea is set to grow by leaps and bounds in the next few years despite political problems in the wake of the communist state’s nuclear test last year, a South Korean executive said.

Here are some key facts about the Kaesong Industrial District:

LOGISTICS

The park is located in the North Korean border city of Kaesong about 70 km (45 miles) northwest of Seoul. A brand new highway runs through the Demilitarized Zone border taking workers from the South and finished products from the North.

Kaesong is the first cooperative manufacturing venture where South Korean firms use North Korean labour. It is run by Hyundai Asan, part of the Hyundai group, along with Korea Land Corp.

EMPLOYMENT

As of May 21, more than 14,000 North Koreans were employed at 23 South Korean factories producing items such as textiles, watches and cosmetic cases.

The minimum monthly wage is $50 for each employee as well as $7.50 for social insurance. The wages are paid to the North Korean state and not directly to workers.

CHARGES OF EXPLOITATION

In May 2006 Jay Lefkowitz, the top U.S. official for human rights in North Korea, raised concerns about possible worker exploitation at the complex. Lefkowitz said the well-intentioned project may simply end up providing funds that prop up the North Korean regime. South Korea rejects the criticism as biased.

DUTY-FREE EXPORT?

South Korea and the United States agreed to set up a joint committee to study allowing Kaesong products duty-free status in the U.S. market under a free trade deal struck in April. South Korea says future projects in the North will be entitled to the same privilege. Washington is less enthusiastic.

FUTURE PLANS

South Korea’s vision for the Kaesong project, which began in June 2003 with first batch of goods shipped to South Korea in 2004, includes more than half a million North Koreans employed by 2,000 firms and with hotels, golf courses and a “peace park”.

Institute for Far Eastern Studies
5/21/2007

Recently, the cost of living for North Koreans has become increasingly burdensome, as the value of the North Korean won (KPW) has steadily fallen. This phenomenon has been observed since the introduction of the July 1st measures in 2002, but the toll on poorer citizens is growing as money is concentrated in the hands of the elite.

A decent jumper jacket from China sells for 30,000 to 50,000 won, a kilogram of meat for 3,000 won, and a bottle of cooking oil for 2,700 won. North Koreans tell of taking 100,000 won to the market and, having only made a few purchases, leaving with an empty wallet.

Every month, a family of four requires 50 kilograms of rice (50,000 KPW or 1,000 won per kg) and 20 kg of corn (7,000 KPW or roughly 350 won per kg). On top of this, the expense of buying supplementary food items such as cooking oil, red pepper flakes, vinegar, garlic, and scallions is almost equivalent to the price of rice.

One North Korean woman (hereafter referred to as Ms. Kim) who sells noodles at the Hweryung Nammun market estimates her living expenses at 60,000 won per month. Ms. Kim, a housewife responsible for a family of three, earns about 2,000 to 3,000 won a day selling noodles. This amounts to roughly 60,000 won a month, which only covers food expenses. She cannot even dream of buying rice, let alone saving up to raise seed money for a business, as her income goes toward supplementary items like corn (23,000 KPW for 70 kg), cooking oil (2,700 KPW), and beans (950 KPW for 1 kg).

Ms. Kim’s husband, who works at the Hweryung machine factory, receives a monthly salary of 4,000 won. This money is only enough to buy four kilograms of rice. Ms. Kim started selling noodles ten years ago, when it became clear that relying on her husband’s income would end in starvation for her family. She said that she has not put meat on the table for her child in a long time, as it is difficult to afford even one kilogram a month. With the exception of merchants who trade with overseas Chinese, workers who earn foreign currency, and those with relatives in China, the majority of Hweryung’s residents live day to day.

With the recent order from the Ministry of Public Security to “cease selling, as rations will be provided starting in April,” local markets have come under stricter regulation. This regulation has had the effect of raising the price of goods manufactured in China. Before the restriction, transactions took place at stalls and impromptu shops, but now buyers must hunt down merchants, which has led to a rise in prices.

On a related note, the dollar’s weak performance in the international market has been reflected in the North Korean black market. The exchange rate remains pegged at one dollar to eight Chinese yuan, but the rate of the North Korean won to the dollar and to the yuan changes daily. North Korea does not have a fixed exchange rate, because individuals who offer money exchange services occasionally receive information on currency rates from China. Due to the dollar’s recent weakness, the rate of the North Korean won to the dollar as well as to the yuan has been falling for several months.

Daily NK
Yang Jung A
5/16/2007

“Kim Jong Il will not forgive even a scent of capitalism.”

The news concerning North Korea’s Park Bong Joo, the former prime minister who was dismissed last April after having received severe criticism from party members for insisting on implementation of an incentive-based system to encourage economic growth, has been generating interest.

It is known that Park Bong Joo was dismissed for an economic policy failure and using $8,000,000 of fertilizer money to purchase oil.

According to the Japanese media, Park, at last January’s “Cabinet Meeting,” suggested the implementation of an hourly, daily, and weekly plan to domestic companies as a way to inspire labor power. However, he was criticized by a Party leader who participated in the meeting at the time. The criticism was that Park was scheming to introduce capitalism.

Former Prime Minister Park also suggested in 2005 that it would be good to hold on exports of coal to China due to the influence it will have on civilian’s energy situation.

However, after the nuclear experiment, the National Defense Committee unfolded an emphasis on the acquisition of foreign currency for strengthening military power as being indispensable to the nation and strongly demanded the reopening of exports. This effectively reversed cabinet’s decision to terminate coal exports.

Concerning these matters, it is the evaluation of former International Secretary of the Party Hwang Jang Yop that “Park Bong Joo is the kind of person who speaks out about such things (to speak for reform).”

Former secretary Hwang said however, “(In North Korea), the Party secretary’s right to speak is much more powerful than the Prime Minister and even if Kim Jong Il could accept the contract work system (a piece rate system), if one advocates to reform like China, such speech to imitate capitalism or foreign country absolutely cannot be forgiven because Kim Jong Il himself can lose his position.”

”Basic economic reforms are impossible because of the need to preserve the basis of the military-first policy.”

Former Secretary Hwang explained, “Dr. Lee Seung Gi’s (abducted scientist who created a synthetic fiber, named as “Vinallon”) grandson, Park Chul went around saying China increased its production through agricultural reforms, but Dr. Lee’s pupil, Kim Hwan who was a secretary of the Party, supported Park Chul’s speech and was severely treated, falling to the position of assistant minister. From this we can see, speech to open and reform like China or even a scent of democratic opening and reform will not be forgiven.”

Kim Jong Il is known to have promised to lend his strength to the cabinet for normalization of North Korea’s destroyed economy after he elevated then Minister of Chemical Industry Park Bong Joo to the position of Prime Minister. (Park had previously been an economic bureaucrat).

When former Prime Minister Park reported to Kim Jong Il in 2003 that the Party and administration were infringing on the national economy, Kim Jong Il took the ministry’s side saying, “If I gave authority to the ministry, you have to be able to use it.”

However, as can be seen from more recent developments, the shake up involving Park Bong Joo shows how the cabinet is powerless in the face of the military and Party. Furthermore, this example reflects well how the system ultimately chooses the side of the anti-reform minded military in tension between it and reform-centered practical powers.

If the basis of the military-first policy remains unchanged, even if a brilliant economic bureaucrat assumes the duties of Prime Minister, the resuscitation of North Korea’s economic is fundamentally difficult, experts say.

Also, it has been pointed out that Kim Jong Il has been indulging the Party and the Army by dumping the responsibility for economic failure on the public administrative staff.

On the other hand, some North Korea experts suggest the dismissal of former Minister Park could be a symbolic acknowledgement of fear over the enlargement of China’s influence on North Korea.

Former Minister Park visited China in March 2005 and held talks with President Hu Jintao and Premier Wan Jiabao and inspected Chinese industrial cities. In January 2006, he was part of Kim Jong Il’s China visit as well.

N. Korea’s premier sacked due to his capitalist move
Yonhap
5/13/2007

North Korea fired its prime minister last week holding him responsible for making a suggestion that the reclusive communist country introduce an incentive-based capitalistic wage system, a Japanese newspaper said Sunday.

North Korea replaced Premier Pak Pong-ju with Transport Minister Kim Yong-il in April in a sudden reshuffle. The North gave no reasons for the change.

Citing unidentified diplomatic sources, Japan’s Mainichi Shimbun newspaper reported that Pak came under attack from party officials in January after suggesting the introduction of an incentive-based wage system to spur labor productivity.

The row apparently discouraged Pak to stay in his job, the paper said.

Mainichi said Pak was already at odds with the military over the North’s coal export policy. Pak banned coal exports to China, citing the shortage of fuel for households, but the military wanted coal exports to resume in an apparent bid to earn hard currency to boost the country’s defense capability, it said.

Daily NK
Han Young Jin
5/1/2007

There is great interest over May 1st in North Korea. Every year, laborers from factories and businesses gather to unite and celebrate the special day.

The origin of May Day is well known throughout North Korea. Indifferently, in North Korea, the 1992 Korean Dictionary published by the Social Science Institute based on Pyongyang even states that May 1st was founded to commemorate the day in 1889 when the working class battled against the capitalists inciting a rally between the two classes in Chicago. This riot as we know today is the Haymarket Riot.

Unfortunately, this is propaganda used by North Korea is contradictory to the reality behind North Korea’s sweat shop labor. Even if North Korean laborers work every day for a month, they are not given rations properly yet their wages are extremely low.

According to wage specifications received last November for the wages of North Korean laborers in Kaesong Industrial Complex, each worker is entitled to 7,000won monthly. This includes wage and day-off allowances as well as “bonuses.” On the black market, US$1 equals 3,000won, so in actual each worker receives no more than US$2 a month.

The $57 sent by South Korean enterprises for each individual worker somehow falls into the hands of North Korean authorities. For this reason, some argue that South Korean businesses should develop a system to stop the exploitation of North Korean workers by paying workers directly.

Workers sent overseas are no different. Defector, Kim Tae San who was once the owner of a shoe factory in Czechoslovakia said, “North Korea laborers working in the Czech shoe factoriy generally have a ‘Loyalty to the authorities fund’ and this is where most of their money is pocketed. Most of the workers are merely left with $10~13 to live on a month.”

If this is the case for individual laborers in foreign countries, we can only fathom what the situation may be like for workers within North Korea.

In reality, the actual monthly wage for laborers in North Korea is approx. 5,000won. While the distribution system remains still, this amount of money is soon depleted after the purchase of 5kg of rice, as each kilo is worth 1,000won. Though miners are paid a little extra, the amount of money received is nonetheless insufficient.

The idea of exploitation by the capitalist is taking a new form in North Korea. The General Federation of Korean Trade Union which is supposed to represent the rights of a worker has merely become a sub-branch of the North Korean Workers’ Party.

Even the managers in the factories are governmental officials and deliberately antagonize the laborers. They are not concerned about the welfare of North Korean laborers nor do they have interest in better working conditions of laborers. Rather, they are too busy living off the money produced by the workers.

A defector in South Korea said, “In North Korea, the jobs without distributed rations and rice are spread everywhere. The People’s Safety Agency regulates people by forcing them to work in such factories.”

As it was in the past May Day’s principle is the guarantee for the exclusive rights of workers for a basic standard of living. In celebration of the upcoming May Day, a petition will be signed in Changwon city, South Kyungsang in South Korea for South-North Korean laborers and a May 1st workers unification rally for South and North Korean laborers as a symbol of the 6.15 Mutual Declaration.

Instead of raising their voices at political problems, they have to combine their voices for the preservation of rights of North Korean laborers according to the basic principles of May Day.

No doubt the biggest priority for laborers in North Korea is to solve the issue of living standards. Democratic Unions, a South Korean labors’ union must unite to pave the way and ensure the basic livelihood of North Korean workers. By doing this, we will be helping North Korean laborers.

Korea Times
Ryu Jin
4/30/2007

At a quarter to 7 a.m. on a normal weekday, a rush to work opens the morning of a North Korean town seated just minutes away from the heavily fortified border with South Korea.

Several blue commuter buses, just like ones that can be seen in downtown Seoul, stop in front of a sign reading, “Kaesong Industrial Zone’’ and spew out hundreds of North Korean workers.

As the working time draws near, they hasten their steps toward their respective workplaces, owned and managed by people from across the border. Some 13,000 North Korean workers, mostly women in their 20s and 30s, spend most of the daytime in the small capitalist enclave in the southwestern part of their Stalinist nation.

“Welcome!’’ “Good Morning!’’ Several South Koreans say as they greet their North Korean colleagues in front of the main gate of Shinwon Ebenezer. Hwang Woo-seung, director of the apparel company’s Kaesong branch, says that they have never skipped a day _ regardless of rain or snow _ without such greetings since the factory went into operation in 2004.

Closing hours are by and large around 5 p.m. But almost half of the 13,000 laborers work overtime until 7 p.m. in order to return home early on Saturdays. By the first half of 2008, the number of North Koreans working in the joint industrial park is expected to reach 100,000, according to South Korean officials.

From Seeds to Young Plants

Launched three years ago, the Kaesong Industrial Complex has been a gauge of the situation on the Korean Peninsula, where hundreds of thousands of troops confront each other across the border, which remains as the last flashpoint of the Cold War era.

Operations, for example, had nearly stopped late last year in the wake of a nuclear test by the North. Since the Feb. 13 denuclearization agreement, however, businesses have gone back to normal.

A free trade agreement (FTA) struck in April between South Korea and the United States, which opened up the possibility of the Kaesong products being exported to America as “made in Korea’’ goods, also breathed a fresh enthusiasm into the industrial zone.

Foreign eyes watching the complex are also changing. A growing number of foreign delegates are coming to the zone, and their evaluation has been quite positive. Moody’s Investors Service analysts Thomas Byrne, who visited the site on Feb. 9, said Kaesong is the “optimistic future’’ of South and North Korea.

Currently, 22 firms _ mostly small- and medium-sized ones _ are making clothes, shoes, watches and kitchen pots in the 1 million-pyong (3.3 million-square-meters) pilot site of the Kaesong complex, which will sprawl over a total 20 million-pyong (66 million-square-meters) in the coming years.

Since the first products came out in December 2004, annual output has increased from $14.9 million (13.8 billion won) in 2005 to $73.7 million (68.4 billion won) in 2006.

Despite potential risks stemming from political uncertainty, the zone has an inescapable economic logic _ the cheap labor and land of the North combined with the capital and technology of the South.

Proximity also makes for an attractive alternative for South Korean firms looking to move their plants to China. The distribution cost in Kaesong is one-tenth that of China, land price one-fifteenth and the labor cost one-twentieth, according to statistics.

Some 300 companies are expected to fill up the whole first-stage experimental site by the first half of next year, hiring up to 100,000 North Korean workers.

“It means that an up-and-coming new city is being created in the border area with a total population of about 300,000 to 400,000, when the families of the workers are added,’’ says Kim Dong-keun, chairman of the Kaesong Industrial District Management Committee (KIDMAC).

Kaesong hopes to invite as many as 3,000 companies eventually, employing some 350,000 workers by the mid-2010s, when the fully-fledged complex (roughly the same size of Changwon) is completed with apartment buildings, hotels, shopping centers and even an amusement park and golf courses.

Way to Integration

North Korea, for its part, envisions Kaesong as its own version of Shenzhen, one of the first “special economic zones’’ in China, and hopes that the new industrial site could jump-start its near-bankrupt economy.

Since the mid-1990s, when it was severely hit by great famines amid the first nuclear standoff with the United States, North Korea has remained a wasteland plagued by the so-called triple distresses _ the shortage of food, cash (foreign exchange) and energy.

With the end of the Cold War, North Korea lost hefty aid from China and the now-defunct Soviet Union, which had propped up its flagging economy. In a desperate move, Pyongyang launched an experiment with the free market in July 2002, deregulating prices and hiking salaries.

North Koreans had also anticipated the businesses with South Korea, which started in the wake of the historic inter-Korean summit in 2000, to bring money into the cash-strapped country.

But the ambitious tour project at Mt. Kumgang above the eastern side of the border had been too fainthearted to turn profitable because it was limited only to tourists.

Kaesong was a different story. While South Koreans saw the tour project largely as symbolic, they were ready to offer more financial incentives for companies to invest in the border town.

For the South Korean decision-makers, Kaesong became the site of an experiment to transplant capitalism to the Stalinist state, plagued by an inefficient bureaucracy and pervasive malnutrition.

Of course, the venture poses risks for the tightly controlled hermit kingdom, which has been ruled by hereditary “monarchs’’ _ the late leader Kim Il-sung and his son Kim Jong-il _ for more than half a century. A major city with about 150,000 residents, Kaesong will inevitably be exposed to what the North Korean leadership calls decadent Western culture.

Suh Ye-taik, an executive director of Hyundai Asan, selected by the North as its major business partner, recalls that it was an offer that nobody expected when the North Koreans first proposed Kaesong. Pyongyang originally wanted to develop other places such as Shinuiju and Haeju.

“It was an unexpected offer in political terms,’’ he said. “But we decided to opt for Kaesong in consideration of the proximity and other conditions of location.’’

Kaesong, seated about 140 kilometers south of Pyongyang and some 60 kilometers north of Seoul, is on a point of strategic importance in the case of a military conflict between the two Koreas. North Korea even yielded some kilometers by withdrawing its conventional artillery.

Kim Jong-il, however, seems to be well aware of the fact that his own hold on power depends on reviving the economy. Kim Heung-kwang, a defector from the North who had worked as a professor at Pyongyang Computer Technology University, predicted in a recent thesis to the Korea Institute of Science and Technology Information (KISTI) that North Korea would open up the Internet to individuals as early as 2009.

“Security guarantees and restoration from the economic plight are the top priorities for the survival of the North Korean regime,’’ said Yang Moo-jin, a professor at the University of North Korean Studies in Seoul. “They realize opening is the only way out of their predicament.’’

While Kaesong is a touchstone for economic integration in the unification process, the workplaces in the industrial zone are test boards for cultural and societal assimilation of the two Koreas, which have walked different paths for the past several decades since the 1950-53 Korean War.

Shinwon is a good example. South Korean managers say they now see drastic changes in the attitudes of North Korean workers. People from across the border had kept an awkward silence in the first years. But smiles and small chatter has become part of the atmosphere.

“The quality of the products here is good because the Northern workers are very productive,’’ said Hwang, the head of the apparel company’s Kaesong factory. “They now learn skills much faster than they did in the initial years.’’

They are also getting familiar with dialects from the other side of the border. In the three-storied factory of Stafild that produces medical walking shoes by some 1,800 North Korean workers, visitors overheard “One for all, all for one’’ _ the motto of the Stalinist state.

For Brighter Future

While its ambition is grand and lofty, the Kaesong complex still faces major hurdles _ both from inside and outside. One of the biggest problems is the U.S. economic sanctions against North Korea, which ban the sale or shipment of key strategic goods such as high-tech computers.

Though the South Korean government is trying to attract the investment of some information-technology (IT) companies in the long term, no high-tech firms have so far advanced in to Kaesong.

So, what the zone really needs is a genuine political thaw between North Korea and the U.S., government officials as well as experts point out. A strong inter-Korean relationship is another important factor to affect the joint project.

Labor conditions in Kaesong are a problem of its own. The average wage is only $57.50 per month, which is not provided in cash. North Korean workers receive coupons to get the necessities of life, though their standard of living is much higher than those in other areas of the country.

Largely focused on red brick industries, which led the economic growth of the South until the 1980s, some workplaces in the zone are exposed to dangerous environments and workers are not entitled to the core labor rights, such as the right of collective action.

Foreign investment will be a touchstone of the venture’s success in the long term. South Korea plans to invite U.S. investors to the industrial estate in October in an effort to expedite foreign investment.

“Foreign investment will help stabilize the operation of the industrial complex and will be a good experience for the management of other firms,’’ said Kim Dong-keun, the KIDMAC chairman.

South Korean officials also expect that from now on some large South Korean enterprises will come into the zone to continue the development of the Kaesong industrial park.

“So far, the zone has been occupied largely by small- and medium-sized companies,’’ Unification Minister Lee Jae-joung said at a breakfast lecture late last month. “We expect the international credit rating of Kaesong will improve if leading enterprises move in.’’

On April 27, the National Assembly of South Korea passed a law that supports the industrial zone. Firms operating in Kaesong will be provided with the same benefits enjoyed by the small- and medium-sized companies in other areas such as a 7-percent tax exemption. South Korean workers in Kaesong will also be eligible for the Labor Standard Act and the country’s four major insurance policies.

“Kaesong Industrial Complex is a win-win situation for both the South and the North,’’ Kim said. “Both economies will complement each other through the project and will be the steppingstone to national unification and integration.’’

Yonhap
4/26/2007

Medical doctors from South and North Korea on Thursday started working together at a hospital inside an industrial complex just north of the inter-Korean border, officials said.

“We will make efforts to develop it into a general hospital in Kaesong. I thank a lot of people who help us,” said Jeong Geun, secretary-general of Green Doctors, which is in charge of running the medical facilities inside the Kaesong industrial complex.

Since Green Doctors established facilities for emergency medical services in January 2005, it has provided free medical services for about 20,000 workers from South and North Korea. It plans to open a general hospital in Kaesong by early 2008. 

The doctors held a ceremony in front of the medical facilities and about 200 officials from the two Koreas were present, Jeong said.

So far, there have been piecemeal inter-Korean exchange programs for medical doctors, but this marks the first time that doctors from the two Koreas have worked together at the same hospital since the end of the 1950-53 Korean War.

According to officials, the South will handle dental, surgical and internal disease affairs, while the North will specialize in eye care, oriental medicine, obstetrics and gynecology.

Medical officials from the two sides have been preparing for the launch of the joint medical services for several months, and about 30 medical staff, including nurses and paramedics from the two sides, will provide assistance for the medical team.

The complex, located just north of the demilitarized zone dividing the two Koreas, is a jointly-operated project in which South Korean businesses produce goods through the employment of cheap North Korean labor. Twenty-one South Korean factories employ about 11,160 North Korean workers in Kaesong.