North Korean Economy Watch

Aidan Foster-Carter wrties about the recent increase in China-DPRK “friendship” activities in the Asia Times: 

Over a month ago, in an article in these columns, I suggested a number of reasons why North Korea may well become a quasi-satellite of China.

Well, it’s happening even faster than I expected. In all the excitement about Kim Jong-eun’s coming-out for a second time, at the 65th birthday of the ruling Workers’ Party of Korea (WPK) on October 10, we risk missing another key aspect of that big Pyongyang parade.

The “reptile press” – one of my favorite North Korean phrases; yup, I’m a lizard and proud – all oohed and aahed at their first glimpse of the “young general”. Most paid less attention to a middle-aged chap also standing on the podium, not far from the clearly ailing Kim Jong-il. The one without a badge – meaning he isn’t North Korean. A rare privilege for a foreigner.

How now, Zhou
Meet Zhou Yongkang. Hardly a household name, yet ranked ninth in China’s politburo. A former minister of public security (2002-2007), he still has responsibilities in that key area.

Now Zhou has a new role too: he is China’s point man on North Korea. This seems to have been his first trip there, but it won’t be his last. Barely a week later, back in Beijing, he was on the job again, this time hosting a large visiting North Korean delegation (of which more below).

Zhou has been parachuted in above Wang Jiarui, the head of the Chinese Communist Party’s international liaison department, who in recent years had been China’s most frequent flyer to Pyongyang. Wang is still on the case: he was part of the October 10 delegation too, but clearly ranked below Zhou.

This seems less a demotion for Wang than a broadening of Beijing’s agenda. Wang’s main task, a thankless one, was and is to try to chivvy the Kims into line on the nuclear issue. That remains a key goal, but now in a wider context. China wants to deepen its overall relations with North Korea. To that end, bringing in a new more senior figure to take charge flatters the Kims, while Zhou’s background in public security is doubtless meant to reassure them.

China means business
Who else did Zhou bring along? Not the usual cross-section of the great and the good, but the neighbors: meaning senior figures from the three Chinese provinces – Jilin, Liaoning and Heilongjiang – which border or are close to North Korea. This trio had a special dinner with a quartet who are their North Korean equivalents: the party secretaries – provincial governors in all but name – from North Pyongan, Jagang, Ryanggang and North Hamgyong, the four provinces which adjoin China across the Yalu (Amnok in Korean) and Tumen rivers.

Not only dinner, but a deal. On the eve of Pyongyang’s parade, the two sides signed a trade agreement. No details were given, but again each side’s border bigwigs were in evidence.

Nor did it end there. A week later, one of North Korea’s rising stars led a big delegation to China, with provinces again prominent. Aged only 53, much younger than most of North Korea’s gerontocratic elite, Mun Kyong-dok is a new alternate politburo member. He also holds the key job of party secretary for Pyongyang. As such, on September 30 he gave a keynote speech in front of 150,000 people, congratulating Kim Jong-il on his re-election as leader.

October 16 saw Mun on the road, shepherding all 11 of North Korea’s provincial or big city party secretaries to – where else? – Beijing. Welcoming them, Zhou Yongkang – who else? – noted that this was “the first time that the secretaries from all the WPK provincial and municipal committees have visited China”, adding, “I wish that you will expand exchange with various Chinese regions you’re visiting and achieve success from your tours.” Mun replied that “We will study and learn the successful experiences from China.”

Maybe this time?
We’ve heard that before, even from Kim Jong-il – who forgets all about it as soon as he gets back home. But as Sally Bowles sings in Cabaret: “Maybe this time.” Sending such a large team – a full house, indeed – on the road in this way, including several younger and newly appointed provincial party bosses, looks like a real effort to take things forward. China won’t be impressed if its mendicant neighbor merely rattles the begging bowl again.

Mun’s team went on to – where else? – the northeast, visiting factories in Heilongjiang and Jilin. These provinces have in the past had bones to pick with their unneighborly neighbor, which too often fails to pay for coal or other goods – and sometimes doesn’t even return the railway wagons used to deliver them. That sort of tiresome trickery will have to stop. Time will tell whether North Korea has really turned over a new leaf in its business dealings.

Blood brothers
On another front, by a convenient coincidence October 19 was the 60th anniversary of China’s entry into the Korean War. The massed ranks of Chinese People’s Volunteers (CPV) – old British army joke: “I want three volunteers: You, you and you!” – turned the tide, saved Kim Il-sung’s bacon and stopped General Douglas MacArthur wiping the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) off the map.

Cue yet more love-ins. The state-run Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) ran a stirring headline: “Friendship Forged in Blood in Anti-US War.” Special events included a photo exhibition, a Chinese film week and performances by a visiting art troupe from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). A delegation from the Korean People’s Army visited China, led by vice minister of the People’s Armed Forces Pyon Il-son: a hitherto obscure general, but evidently another name to watch.

China reciprocated by sending a better-known bigwig. (Speaking of which, he wears one – or so says Wigipedia.) Unlike Zhou Yongkang, who is new to this patch, General Guo Boxiong – vice chairman of China’s Central Military Commission – has had North Korean links for at least a decade; he visited in 2001 with then-president Jiang Zemin.

Usually the CPV anniversary is marked by a low-key wreath-laying and a few press articles. But 60 is a big one, and this time Pyongyang pulled out all the stops. There was a mass rally – “held with splendor”, gushed KCNA – with Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-eun in attendance and much stirring rhetoric. The dear leader also hosted a dinner, again with his son present.

Even Arirang has got in on the act. North Korea’s striking yet introverted mass games have finally admitted (pace juche) that the Kims didn’t go it alone; they got by with a little help from their friends. KCNA on October 22 described a newly added scene, “Friendship Arirang”. This highlights the role of the CPV, portrayed with “drums of different sizes, ribbons, red flags and other hand props … several-dozen-meter-long dragons, pandas and lions.”

We helped you first
One wonders what Chinese visitors who are the mainstay of North Korea’s thin tourist trade make of such cliches – or the fact that, the way Pyongyang tells it, that is only half the story. For Arirang also, and first, depicts “the Korean People’s Revolutionary Army and Chinese armed units fighting together against the Japanese imperialists”. The implication is that this was somehow reciprocal: Korea helped China out, and then China repaid the compliment. Note also the disrespect: Korea had an army, China merely “armed units”. What, no PLA?

Pull the other one, comrades. True, a small but gallant band of Korean communists under Mu Chong, a veteran of the Long March, were with Mao Zedong in Yanan. Separately, the young Kim Il-sung was one of a few guerillas – under Chinese command – who skirmished with the Japanese in Manchuria before being chased across the border into the Soviet Union. Kim came back in Soviet uniform and set about purging rivals – including Mu Chong, who had to flee to China. All quite a can of worms, which it seems unwise of North Korea to risk opening.

CPV casualty figures tell their own story. This year Beijing quantified these. A staggering three million Chinese troops fought in what China still calls the “War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea”. Over 180,000 never came back. PLA statistics show 114,084 killed in action or accidents, with another 25,621 missing. A further 70,000 died from wounds, illness or other causes. There are 183,108 registered war martyrs. Others put China’s losses as even higher. With all respect to Mu Chong, a few Koreans’ sacrifices for China don’t begin to compare.

Nuclear hopes and fears
China’s many and mixed motives vis-a-vis North Korea now include never to get dragged into war like that again. To that end, Beijing still professes faith in the six-party talks on North Korea’s nuclear program which it hosts, even though these achieved little tangible – despite many hopes, and much talking-up – over five long years. (They began in 2003 and have been stalled since 2008.)

Here too there is fresh activity. Hardly had the cheers echoing in Kim Il-sung Square died away than the North’s long-time nuclear negotiator Kim Kye-gwan, newly promoted to first vice minister, led a delegation to Beijing on October 12. There followed four days of what KCNA called “an exhaustive and candid discussion on DPRK-China relations, resumption of the six-party talks and the regional situation, etc.” It added: “The DPRK is ready for the resumption of the above-said talks but decided not to go hasty [sic] but to make ceaseless patient efforts now that the US and some other participating countries are not ready…”

True. South Korea and Japan, like the United States, see no point in dusting off the six-party circus without clear signals from Pyongyang on two fronts: a serious will to give up nuclear weapons, as against playing games; and an admission that it sank the South Korean corvette Cheonan in March.

That is a hard gap for Beijing to bridge – especially if there is any basis to recent rumors that North Korea, so far from disarming, may be planning a third nuclear test. Somehow I doubt this. China’s fresh embrace of its tiresome neighbor is not unconditional. I would expect its price for propping up the Kims to be twofold: Market reforms – and no more nuclear tests.

Another bang would sorely tax China’s patience with this tiresome thorn in its northeastern flesh. Beijing is still sheltering number one son Kim Jong-nam, who on October 12 rained (or an earthier verb springs to mind) on little brother’s parade by declaring that he personally was against a third-generation succession. Might anyone try to change his mind? Jong-nam may look ghastly, but he is pro-reform. If Jong-eun proves a pest or a dud, China has alternatives.

Read the full story here:
North Korea: Embracing the dragon
Asia Times
Aidan Foster-Carter
10/28/2010

According to Senator Lugar’s web page:

On October 22, 2010, Senator Lugar, U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee Ranking Member, released a Congressional Research Service (CRS) report on implementation of sanctions for North Korea.

Following renewed interest in sanctions against North Korea in the wake of the sinking of South Korea’s Cheonan ship, which killed 46 individuals, Lugar asked the CRS to evaluate the implementation of the U.N. sanctions already in place.

You can read Sen. Lugar’s original request for the report here. (PDF)

The CRS report he received can be found here. (PDF)

I have added this report to my growing collection of DPRK-focused CRS reports found here.

According to Yonhap:

The Unification Ministry said Monday it will ask law enforcement authorities to look into allegations that government officials took bribes in exchange for helping local traders bring in agricultural products from North Korea.

Rep. Choi Jae-sung of the main opposition Democratic Party claimed last week that the trading firms used the bribes after the ministry rejected their request to import shiitake mushrooms from North Korea for violating import conditions.

Choi claimed that multiple officials of a government agency, which he did not identify, exercised influence to help the traders win approval for the import, and received money in kickbacks. The lawmaker did not say how much money was given to them.

On Monday, Unification Ministry spokesman Chun Hae-sung said that the ministry will refer the case to investigation authorities but denied that the ministry was involved in the alleged bribery.

Read the full story here:
Unification ministry calls for investigation into bribery allegations over inter-Korean trade
Yonhap
10/25/2010

According to the Choson Ilbo:

The senior secretaries of all North Korea’s 11 metropolitan and provincial party committees paid a rare collective visit to a senior member of the Communist Party of China in Beijing on Tuesday.

The North Korean delegation led by Mun Kyong-dok, the senior secretary of the Pyongyang municipal party committee, met with Zhou Yongkang, a member of the Politburo Standing Committee who ranks ninth in the hierarchy, to discuss economic cooperation.

Zhou was quoted by the official Xinhua news agency as saying it was “the first time” in the history of bilateral relations that senior secretaries of the Workers Party’s metropolitan and provincial committees have visited China as a group. “I wish that you will expand exchange with various Chinese regions you’re visiting and achieve success from your tours.”

The North Koreans also met with their Chinese counterparts to discuss investment in development projects in the North. The Chinese officials were in Beijing to attend the fifth plenary session of the 17th Communist Party Central Committee.

A South Korean government official said, “The North Korean officials’ visit to Beijing is equivalent to all 16 South Korean metropolitan mayors and provincial governors flying to Washington as a group to discuss exchange and cooperation with ruling-party lawmakers and state governors in the U.S.” He said since Kim Jong-il’s son Jong-un was established as the official successor to the leadership, the North and China have increased the frequency of personnel exchanges “to discuss more substantive matters than before.”

The profiles of the Chinese delegation that attended the 65th anniversary celebrations of the North Korean Workers Party were also exceptional. It included senior officials of the three Chinese northeastern provinces — Sun Zhengcai, the secretary of the Jilin provincial party committee, Chen Xi, the deputy secretary of the Liaoning provincial party committee, and Du Yuxin, the deputy secretary of the Heilongjiang provincial party committee.

They were welcomed at Sunan Airport by Ju Yong-sik, the senior secretary of the party committee in Jagang Province, a border region. The senior secretaries of the party committees in all four North Korean provinces bordering China — Ju from Jagang Province, Ri Man-gon from North Pyongan Province, O Su-yong from North Hamgyong Province and Kim Hi-taek from Yanggang Province — attended a dinner that evening in honor of the Chinese delegation.

“There have recently been more signs of the North and China deepening and developing economic cooperation, including various development projects focusing on the border areas,” a Unification Ministry official said. “It seems that after the North’s Workers Party and the Chinese Communist Party finished talks at headquarters level, their provincial party committees have now begun concrete cooperation.”

Military exchanges are also increasing ahead of the 60th anniversary of the day the Chinese joined the Korean War on Oct. 25.

The official North Korean Central Broadcasting Station on Tuesday reported a delegation of Chinese People’s Volunteer Veterans led by Wang Hai, a former Air Force commander, and the People’s Liberation Army’s art troupe arrived in Pyongyang for the anniversary.

O Kuk-ryol, vice chairman of the National Defense Commission, and Pak Jae-kyong, vice minister of People’s Armed Forces, hosted a reception for them.

On Oct. 14, a North Korean Army delegation led by Pyon In-son, another vice minister of People’s Armed Forces, visited China, to tour PLA units. Quoting the North’s official Rodong Sinmun daily, Xinhua said, “Friendship bonded by blood in the previous generations is being handed down to the next generation.”

A South Korean security official said, “The North is apparently trying to counter the South Korea-U.S. military alliance, which has been strengthened since the sinking of the Navy corvette Cheonan in March, by intensifying military ties with China, as well as attempting to escape international economic isolation by leaning on China.”

Mike has more at NK Leadership Watch.

Read the full story here:
N.Korea, China Grow Ever Closer
Choson Ilbo
10/21/2010

Low-resolution satellite image of the Tumen-Namyang border.

UPDATE: Here is the original story in Asahi:

Goods from North Korea are being traded freely in a thriving market that opened last week in a Chinese city near the border with the reclusive state, according to sources from the region.

Marine products–frozen squid is a specialty–are prominently displayed, the sources said.

The market in Tumen, Jilin province, opened on Oct. 13. It appears to be the latest development in growing economic exchanges between Beijing and Pyongyang following a visit to China by North Korean leader Kim Jong Il in August and moves to secure a smooth transition of power to his third son, Kim Jong Un, the sources said.

Earlier this month, it was learned that Tumen is preparing to accept an influx of cheap labor from North Korea.

The market, which has a total space of about 10,000 square meters, is located on the banks of the Tumenjiang (Tumengang in Korean) river, which serves as the common border between the two countries.

Currently, the market is open twice a week, but there are plans for it to become a daily feature in the near future, the sources said.

According to the sources, Chinese residents in Tumen, which is located inside the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture within Jilin province, can obtain travel permits to North Korea by presenting identification.

With entry permits in hand, the Chinese are able to cross the river to Namyang, where they are allowed to buy products at designated areas, provided they return to China the same day.

Purchases worth up to 8,000 yuan (about 96,000 yen, or $1180) are treated as duty-free and can be sold at the Tumen market.

The sources said about 150 people showed up at the market on Oct. 13, including merchants as well as ordinary citizens.

North Korean marine products, whose prices are considerably cheaper than Chinese products, dominated the goods on display.

A Tumen city official declined to provide details on the market, saying “it is still in the experimental stage.”

But sources suggest that the market is part of efforts to enhance commerce in northeastern China, which has trailed in economic development compared with coastal regions in the rest of the country.

The market also provides a crucial means for North Korea to earn hard currency by freely selling goods in China.

The idea of setting up such a market is not entirely new. In 2005, the Jilin provincial government authorized the opening of a market as a means to revitalize the border region. However, the project had to be shelved after an international uproar over an underground nuclear test conducted by North Korea.

The plan resurfaced after the region encompassing the Tumenjiang river district and the cities of Jilin and Changchun was designated in 2009 as a development and deregulation promotion zone, the first such national-level development project for a border region.

Jilin province has since taken strident measures to encourage exchanges with North Korea with which it shares a sprawling border.

Sun Zhengcai, a top Chinese Communist Party official from Jilin province, joined a delegation of party officials to North Korea this month on the occasion of the 65th anniversary of the founding of the Workers’ Party of Korea, and is believed to have engaged in talks with the North Korean side on boosting commerce.

The opening of the market follows reports that North Korean laborers may soon be able to work in Chinese factories in Tumen legally, and that Chinese businesses have acquired rights to use and develop wharf facilities at the ports of Rajin and Chongjin in northern North Korea.

Chinese businesses are also reportedly moving toward participating in the construction of infrastructure such as railways and roads to access the ports.

ORIGINAL POST: According to KBS:

A Japanese daily says a “free market” operated by North Korean and Chinese citizens has opened near the Tumen River, which flows between China and North Korea.

The Asahi Shimbun said Wednesday that the market was established in the city of Tumen in China’s Jilin Province a week ago.

The paper said the ten-thousand-square-meter market allows Chinese people to buy up to eight-thousand yuan worth of North Korean goods tax-free each day for resell in China.

The paper said that on the day the market opened last Wednesday, some 150 Chinese purchased tax-exempt frozen squid from North Koreans at the market for resell.

The Asahi said North Korea and China are apparently expanding bilateral economic exchanges following North Korean leader Kim Jong-il’s visit to China in August, citing Chinese firms’ recent move to employ North Korean workers.

Unfortunately high-resolution satellite imagery of the area is not yet available on Google Earth, but we do know that Namyang contains 1 of 4 railway links the DPRK maintains to China and 1 of 8 ground transportation crossings.  Besides Sinuiju, it is the only other DPRK border crossing with both rail and automobile bridges.

Read the full story here:
Market for North Korean goods opens in Chinese border city
Asahi
Daisuke Nishimura
10/21/2010

Asahi: NK-China Tax-Free Market Opens in Tumen City
KBS
10/20/2010

According to the Daily NK:

In Dandong, the number of people studying the Chosun language (Korean) is increasing, while real estate prices are rising on the back of rumors that Shinuiju, just across the North Korean border, will soon be opened up to trade and investment.

One anonymous Korean-Chinese trader who already engages in business with North Korea in the area told The Daily NK on the 15th, “The rumor among Chinese traders who have recently been in North Korea has it that ‘The North Korea authorities will open Shinuiju sooner or later.’”

As a result, he said, “There is currently an upsurge in the price of apartments and shops in Dandong, while the number of people wanting to learn the Chosun language is increasing.”

The trader explained that for the last three or four years the real estate market in Dandong has been flat. However, with reports of Kim Jong Eun’s internal appointment as the successor spreading earlier this year, the price of Hanquosheng, Dongfang Minzhu, Taiyang Dasha and other luxury apartments has increased by more than ten percent over the course of the summer.

The source pointed in particular to the fact that the price of apartments under construction in the Langtou Port area has gone from 2,000 Yuan/m² (approximately $300) in May to 3,200 Yuan/m² (approximately $480) in October. The neighborhood has particularly bright prospects as it is the location for the planned Second Yalu River Bridge under an agreement made during the visit to Pyongyang of Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao in 2009.

The Daily NK’s Korean-Chinese source explained that those primarily responsible for fuelling the real estate gains are Korean-Chinese from the Northeastern provinces of China.

He reported, “Since Dandong has geographical advantages, being cool in summer and warm in winter, as well as being able to provide for North Korea’s development of Shinuiju, the city has emerged as the best investment location for Korean-Chinese people.”

“The expectation that Kim Jong Eun is still young and has experience of life in Switzerland; therefore he knows well the need to develop the country and will have no choice but to make that decision, is driving the investment by Korean-Chinese,” the source added.

Naturally, the presumption that Shinuiju will soon offer some new opportunities for business is producing a new trend for learning the North Korean language.

Wang, a 21 year-old student from a university in Dandong said, “Chinese students know that South Korean is different from Chosun,” and went on, “Until now, South Korean has been all the rage thanks to Hallyu (as the South Korean cultural influence in wider Asia is known), but recently the number of students wanting to learn Chosun has been drastically increasing.”

There are presumed to be roughly 3,000-4,000 North Koreans residing in Dandong, including students. Some of them exchange languages with Chinese students, while some others give private classes for between five and ten Yuan an hour.

Alongside which, private Korean language institutes in Dandong are enjoying increased demand.

One South Korean who manages a Korean language institute in Dandong told The Daily NK, “In the case of Korean language institutes in downtown Dandong, each class has seen an increase of four or five students for this fall semester. Alongside Hallyu, the expectation that Shinuiju will open up has meant that the number of Chinese young people wanting to learn Korean is steadily increasing.”

Read the full story here:
Shinuiju Development Making Waves in Dandong
Daily NK
Park In Ho
10/18/2010

Institute for Far Eastern Studies (IFES)
NK Brief No. 10-10-18-1
10/18/2010

The majority of joint ventures investing in North Korea have suffered significant losses since the South Korean government began to enforce sanctions as a result of the sinking of the ROKS Cheonan. On average, companies have incurred losses of almost one billion won, and most companies are no longer interested in investing in the North.

According to the Korea Chamber of Commerce and Industry, a survey of 500 companies (200 inter-Korean economic cooperative schemes and 300 other companies involved in business with the North) showed that 93.9 percent of respondents said they had suffered losses due to trade restrictions put in place due to the Cheonan incident, while 66.5 percent responded that they faced “financial difficulty” due to the sanctions. The companies have suffered an average of 974 million won in losses.

Investment and operational losses due to the ‘all stop’ order from the government amounted to 51.9 percent of losses reported, while 26 percent of respondents pointed to a reduction in orders and 22.1 percent blamed an increase in transportation and other associated costs. One company importing anthracite from the North turned to China, Vietnam, Russia, and other vendors after inter-Korean trade was restricted, but due to each country’s efforts to secure its own natural resources, this year’s sales are expected to be more than 10 billion won less than that seen last year.

Another company, investing in textiles, was strategically producing hand-made works in a North Korean factory, but now production has come to a halt and it may not be able to deliver goods it has produced. A source from the factory stated, “Personnel and raw material expenses in China, Vietnam, and other countries mean that profit margins will be minimal, and there is no alternative.” The same source also stated, “Special funds were distributed from the government, but [companies] are concerned about how long they can hold out.”

As companies invested in North Korea suffer losses in the wake of the Cheonan incident, interest in North Korea investment opportunities is also waning. 82.7 percent of responding companies believe that “even if economic cooperation was normalized, there would be no new investments or continuation of existing projects,” and 76.9 percent of respondents believed that “because of the uncertainty of the North Korean system” non-economic issues would dampen investment enthusiasm. 13.7 percent stated that difficulties with transportation and other infrastructure issues would discourage investment, and 9.4 percent of respondents answered, “North Korean authorities’…interference and restrictions” would turn away foreign investors.

Among those businesses not involved in cooperative economic ventures, 41.5 percent pointed to “North Korea’s overall reform and opening,” while 22.2 percent chose “guaranteeing the security of investments and expanding domestic SOC” as being necessary to propel investment in North Korea. Another 19.7 percent answered, “security issues like North Korean denuclearization” were necessary for improvement in the investment environment.

Many also voiced concerns over the ongoing ban on inter-Korean exchanges. When asked about the impact on business if sanctions against the North were to continue, 5.18 percent of respondents stated, “opportunities for foreign investors will suffer,” while 25.6 percent responded that the North’s economic reliance on China would grow, and 22.6 percent feared that the national image would suffer due to an increase in the security risk.

63.6 percent of respondents call for strengthened protection for investors, including protection against losses as well as guarantees on operational freedoms. 20.1 percent called for easing restrictions on businesses in the Kaesong Industrial Complex, and 16.3 percent pointed to the need for more monetary support.

Even after the government’s announcement halting inter-Korean exchanges on May 24, , inter-Korean trade worth approximately 80 million USD (90 billion won) was recorded due to a number of goods with special exceptions. 639 different cases of imported goods manufactured from raw materials or parts sent to the North prior to the May 24 restrictions amounted to 31.15 million USD, while 269 cases of pre-ordered exports amounted to just over 49 million USD.

This survey was conducted from August 12 to September 1, calling or faxing 200 companies invested in inter-Korean cooperative schemes and 300 of the 1000 companies involved in sales.

According to KBS:

The Yomiuri Shimbun says China’s Jilin Province will hire 100 North Koreans this month to work at a plastic manufacturing plant in Tumen City. The report says their wages will be less than half of what Chinese workers are paid.

Japan’s Asahi Shimbun says China’s introduction of North Korean labor is picking up speed. It says that nearby Dandong City in Liaoning Province has also begun the process of bringing in one-thousand North Korean workers.

Read the full story here:
China Border Cities Hiring NK Workers
KBS
10/18/2010

According to KBS:

A Japanese daily says North Korean officials have regularly bribed Japanese traders since Tokyo banned the export of luxury goods to North Korea in June of last year.

The Sankei Shimbun says North Korean officials in charge of importing luxury goods invited Japanese businesspeople to posh restaurants in places such as Dalian, China, several times and induced them into making illegal shipments.

Sankei said the North would first wire a lump sum of money in the several 100-million-won range to Japanese traders and then place orders for specific products afterwards.

In Japan, six smuggling cases of luxury goods to North Korea via China have been uncovered since June of last year.

Read the full story here:
Sankei: NK Bribes Japanese Firms to Import Luxury Goods
KBS
10/7/2010

Institute for Far East Studies (IFES)
NK Brief No. 10-10-4-1
10/4/2010

Trade between the two Koreas in the first half of 2010 totaled 980 million USD, 51.3 percent more than the 650 million dollars-worth of trade last year. North Korea’s trade with China was also up, by 16.4 percent, to 1.28 billion USD. Kim Jong Il has made two trips to China and the North has taken other steps to boost cross-border trade with the Chinese.

According to a recent report comparing inter-Korean trade to that between North Korea and China, North-South trade in 2007 equaled 91 percent of Pyongyang’s trade with Beijing, but as inter-Korean relations chilled, that number fell to 65 percent in 2008. This year, that number climbed back up to 77 percent, largely because the Kaesong Industrial Complex, which has avoided political entanglement, has grown 96 percent since last year. Textiles and home electronics top the list of goods in inter-Korean trade, while minerals are the top item traded across the DPRK-PRC border.

North Korea’s import of South Korean goods increased by 63 percent to 430 million USD, while the North’s Chinese imports rose a mere 25 percent, but still totaled 930 million USD. 36 percent of South Korean exports to the North are raw materials for North Korean textile production, while 120 million USD-worth of electronics make up the second-largest export industry. Making up the largest sector, 27 percent (250 million USD) of North Korea’s imports from China are made up of minerals and crude oil, while textiles make up 12 percent and base metal resources make up 8 percent. South Korean imports have also grown 43 percent, to 550 million USD, since last year. In comparison, Chinese imports from North Korea shrunk one percent to 340 million USD. Clothing and other ready-for-market textiles made up 44 percent of North Korean exports to the South, while electrical and electronic goods made up 17 percent. Coal, iron, and other key resources made up 51 percent of DPRK exports to China, while zinc and other base metals make up approximately 20 percent.