Archive for the ‘Economic reform’ Category

Orascom seeks repatriation of profits – or new opportunities?

Friday, December 6th, 2013

UPDATE 1 (2013-12-8): According to an OTMT press release:

Orascom Telecom Media and Technology Holding Denies Reports about Freezing Investment in North Korea

Cairo, December 8th, 2013, Orascom Telecom Media and Technology Holding S.A.E. (“OTMT”) announced today that recent reports in some media sources claiming that OTMT is freezing its investment in North Korea are entirely inaccurate. Where OTMT currently has no plans for new investments in North Korea, the company is open for new opportunities in this market, in which it has been investing for six years. The company has not announced any intentions to freeze investments in the North Korean market.

-END-

About Orascom Telecom Media and Technology

OTMT is a holding company that has investments in companies with operations mainly in Egypt, North Korea, Pakistan, Lebanon and other North African and Middle-Eastern countries. The activities of OTMT are mainly divided into its GSM, media and technology and cable businesses. The GSM activities include mobile telecommunications operations in Egypt, North Korea and Lebanon. The media and technology division consists of OT Ventures/Intouch Communications Service and the OT Ventures Internet portals and other ventures in Egypt, including LINK Development, ARPU+ and LINKonLINE. The cable business focuses on the management of cable networks.

OTMT is traded on the Egyptian Exchange under the symbol (OTMT.CA, OTMT EY).

And according to New York Telecom Exchange:

***Orascom Telecom has refuted recent media reports that it is freezing investment in its North Korean mobile network subsidiary.The company said that the reports “are entirely inaccurate.”In a statement it said that where OTMT currently has no plans for new investments in North Korea, the company is open for new opportunities in this market, in which it has been investing for six years.The company added that it “has not announced any intentions to freeze investments in the North Korean market.”However, it is worth noting that many companies do things without making announcements about them and the statement did not explicitly confirm that it would be spending any more money on its North Korean network, only that it was open to further opportunities.

ORIGINAL POST (2013-12-6): According to the Chosun Ilbo:

Egypt’s Orascom Telecom, the mobile service provider in North Korea, has invested US$200 million into the project so far but has yet to make a dime, according to website Middle East Online.

Orascom chief Naguib Onsi Sawiris was quoted by the U.K.-based website as saying he would make no more investment in North Korea until the company sees some returns.

Orascom started offering 3G mobile services in North Korea in a joint venture with North Korea’s postal service in 2008. The joint venture, Koryo Link, is 75-percent owned by Orascom and 25 percent by the North. It has managed to attract 2 million subscribers.

The Egyptian company invested another $200 million to build the giant Ryugyong Hotel in Pyongyang and set up a joint venture bank.

But North Korea apparently barred Orascom from sending profits from the mobile phone service back to Egypt. “Koryo Link is making profits, but North Korean authorities seem to have blocked remittance of the money,” a source in Beijing said.

The only firm, of which I am aware,  that has been able to repatriate significant sums of hard currency is Pyeonghwa Motors. Most traders take out North Korean goods/products that they can then sell for currency.

Read the full story here:
Egyptian Telecom Halts Investment in N.Korea
Chosun Ilbo
2013-12-6

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Jang’s purge to affect HGP and Rason economic Zones

Friday, December 6th, 2013

The Asahi Shimbun reports on the Hwanggumphyong SEZ (2013-12-19):

The execution last week of Jang Song Thaek, North Korea’s de facto No. 2 leader, has taken its toll on a joint project with China to develop Hwanggumphyong island across the border from this city in Liaoning province.

Jang, uncle of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, was believed to be in charge of relations with China and overall economic affairs. His purge could continue to have further ramifications on economic cooperation with and investment from China.

Hwanggumphyong island is an 11-square-kilometer swath of North Korean territory in the Yalu river that defines the border with China. A bilateral joint development venture there, kicked off by a ground-breaking ceremony in June 2011, was halted temporarily after North Korea insisted on having its troops stationed on the island.

But both sides agreed to rejuvenate the project and set up a joint steering committee when Jang visited China in August 2012. Beijing committed to investing 80 million yuan (1.4 billion yen, or $13 million) and has since been laying the groundwork on the island.

The North Korean official in charge of the venture, however, was recalled immediately following Jang’s purge, and construction work was also halted around the same time, sources in the steering committee said. A Chinese member of the steering committee reported to the central government in Beijing that quick changes in North Korea made it difficult to achieve the initial goal for attracting firms to Hwanggumphyong island.

The steering committee has touted the advantages of being able to rely on cheap North Korean labor in a bid to attract 30 firms from China, Taiwan and elsewhere before the year is out, but only a handful of companies have come forward with decisions to set up shop on the island amid widespread concern about investments associated with North Korea.

The purge of Jang, who was the main contact for joint China-North Korea ventures, has probably alienated most decent investors, said an embittered Chinese official in the steering committee.

North Korea has also been calling for Chinese investment in the Rason Economic and Trade Zone in the country’s northeast. But Pyongyang sent investors into panic when it accused Jang of an “act of treachery” in “selling off the land of the Rason Economic and Trade Zone to a foreign country” during his trial. He was also accused of attempting “subversion of the state.”

North Korea has sought to rehabilitate its moribund economy by attracting foreign capital to specially designated economic zones. It released an ordinance in late November, for example, to designate “economic development zones” in its various provinces.

It is believed there will be no change to that policy line, which has received Kim Jong Un’s endorsement.

Many observers believe Premier Pak Pong Ju, who has been engaged in practical aspects of economic management under Jang’s supervision, will take charge of overall economic affairs.

“Pyongyang will probably expand the role of Pak, who is believed to be an economic reformist, so as to reassure investors,” said one diplomatic source.

But investor confidence is expected to remain weak in the short term, because Jang’s execution was undoubtedly perceived as an “investment risk” in the eyes of Chinese and other foreign investors.

“It is by no means easy to regain the confidence of private-sector capitalists who were shaken up by the purge,” said one Chinese investment adviser who visits Rason frequently. “It will take time before concerns are quelled.”

The JoongAng Daily reports on the Rason SEZ (2013-12-6):

The Rason Special Economic Zone, which was headed by Jang Song-thaek, the once-powerful uncle of North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, has been left as a ghost town after Jang’s purge, and several North Korean officials who worked in the zone are under questioning, a source in China said.

“On Nov. 3 to 4, I visited the Rason economic district,” the source exclusively told the JoongAng Ilbo, “but I couldn’t meet with the two main officials in charge of the zone’s development because they were both sent to Pyongyang.

“The two officials were in the inner circle of Jang Song-thaek and they were in charge of developing economic zones of North Korea,” the source said.

The Rason Special Economic Zone is one of the most ambitious attempts by North Korea at limited economic reforms. The district has been developed since Jang visited China in August 2012.

In August 2012, North Korea and China’s [Jilin] provincial government launched a DPRK-China Rajin-Sonbong management committee for full-fledged development of the zone, according to the source. The [Jilin] government dispatched about 50 Chinese officials, while Pyongyang sent about 30 to the committee.

With the purge of Jang, most of the Chinese officials have left the zone, and the North Korean officials are scheduled to return to Pyongyang soon. All activities at three piers in Rason’s port have stopped with the downfall of Jang. The first pier, run by a Dalian-based Chinese company, suspended its transportation of coal, and the construction of a second pier has been halted. The construction of a third pier by a Russian builder was also suspended.

“Last year, the development of the Rason district seemed very dynamic,” said another source knowledgeable about North Korea.

“But most Chinese businessmen did not trust North Korea’s polices, and the Chinese government did not offer guarantees on investment in the district so, in fact, there wasn’t much progress.

“Despite the fact that development was slow, Jang’s aides invited some girls to the district and held a big soiree at a floating restaurant, which could be one of the reasons for Jang’s purge,” the source said.

Read the full story here:
Jang’s execution halts China-N. Korea joint venture, alienates investors
Asahi Shimbun
Koichiro Ishida
2013-12-19

With purge, Rason zone is ghost town
JoongAng Daily
Hoi Hyung-Kyu, Kim Hee-jin
2013-12-6

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The aim of North Korea’s economic development zone: Regional balanced development and improvement of people’s livelihoods

Friday, December 6th, 2013

Institute for Far Eastern Studies (IFES)
2013-12-06

North Korea is pushing ambitious development of local economic development zones, purportedly with the aim of promoting balanced development of the local economy and improving the lives of ordinary people.

On November 29, 2013, the Choson Sinbo, a pro-North Korean newspaper based in Japan, reported details of North Korea’s proposed 13 economic development zones (EDZs) by province, including the characteristics of the plans, goals, and outlook. It specified that the main objectives of this project are to promote a “balanced local economy development and improve the lives of residents.”

To enhance the effectiveness of the EDZs, each region’s characteristics were incorporated into the development strategy.

The existing Rason and the Hwanggumpyong Special Economic Zones are comprehensive and large in scale, covering production and processing, transport, commerce, and tourism sectors. The local-level EDZs, on the other hand, reflect each area’s local economy and culture and more narrowly focus on local industries.

For example, the EDZ slated for Pukchong in South Hamgyong Province is an agricultural zone; Onsong in North Hamgyong Province is for island tourism; and Waudo in Nampo City is an export processing zone. He one reflects its region’s characteristics.

The (North) Korean Association of Economic Development Director Yun Yong Sok, who is in charge of attracting investment from foreign companies, said, “By integrating the unique features of each region, it can benefit the local economy through acquiring necessary technology for the development and also earn foreign currency contributable to improving the lives of the people.”

He also said that “The goods produced in the EDZs will be exported to other countries but at the same time will be able to meet domestic demand,” and “the development of EDZs will center on the border areas adjacent to China and Russia.”

In addition, each province was encouraged to develop plans according to the region’s environment and apply to the People’s Committee in each province. Plans were then sent to the State Economic Development Commission for in-depth deliberations.

North Korea has upgraded the State Economic Development Commission (from its previous designation as the State Economic Development Board) in October 2013 to become a direct mechanism under the Cabinet that oversees the establishment and management of EDZs.

This commission is responsible for developing national strategies relevant to special economic zones such as selection process of provincial EDZ establishment, preparation to state evaluation, modification and supplementation of laws and regulations, and the entire process for implementation.

As predicted by Ri Sun Chol, International Economic Relations Research Director at the Economic Institute in the Academy of Social Sciences, “Once the economic development zones are established in each province, it will greatly expand the breadth of the foreign economic cooperation and will provide a fundamental opportunity to invigorate investment activities.”

The Choson Sinbo reported that while some might take a pessimistic outlook on the new EDZs, the new project is attracting interests from various countries such as Hong Kong and Singapore, and the local and central governments are working closely to promote this project.

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Largest known rare earth deposit discovered in DPRK

Thursday, December 5th, 2013

2013-12-Jongju

Pictured above (Google Earth): Jongju County

According to Mining.com:

Privately-held SRE Minerals on Wednesday announced the discovery in North Korea of what is believed to be the largest deposit of rare earth elements anywhere in the world.

SRE also signed a joint venture agreement with the Korea Natural Resources Trading Corporation for rights to develop REE deposits at Jongju in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea for the next 25 years with a further renewal period of 25 years.

The joint venture company known as Pacific Century Rare Earth Mineral Limited, based in the British Virgin Islands, has also been granted permission for a processing plant on site at Jongju, situated approximately 150 km north-northwest of the capital of Pyongyang.

The initial assessment of the Jongju target indicates a total mineralisation potential of 6 billion tonnes with total 216.2 million tonnes rare-earth-oxides including light REEs such as lanthanum, cerium and praseodymium; mainly britholite and associated rare earth minerals. Approximately 2.66% of the 216.2 million tonnes consists of more valuable heavy rare-earth-elements.

According Dr Louis Schurmann, Fellow of the Australasian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy and lead scientist on the project, the Jongju deposit is the world’s largest known REE occurrence.

The 216 million tonne Jongju deposit, theoretically worth trillions of dollars, would more than double the current global known resource of REE oxides which according to the US Geological Survey is pegged at 110 million tonnes.

Minerals like fluorite, apatite, zircon, nepheline, feldspar, and ilmenite are seen as potential by-products to the mining and recovery of REE at Jongju.

Further exploration is planned for March 2014, which will includes 96,000m (Phase 1) and 120,000m (Phase 2) of core drilling, with results reported according to the Australia’s JORC Code, a standard for mineral disclosure similar to Canada’s widely used National Instrument 43-101.

Also from Mining Weekly:

SRE Minerals Limited announces the results of exploration and studies in collaboration with the Korea Natural Resources Trading Corporation of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea

SRE Minerals Limited (“SRE” or “the company”) announced today their joint venture agreement with the Korea Natural Resources Trading Corporation for rights to develop all rare-earth-element deposits at Jongju, North Pyongan Province.

The joint venture company known as Pacific Century Rare Earth Mineral Limited has the rights under the joint venture agreement which includes the exploration, mining, beneficiation and marketing of all REE deposits in the Jongju area for the next 25 years with a further renewal period of 25 years.

Under the terms of the JV agreement SRE has also been granted permission for a National Rare Earth Mineral Processing Plant on site at Jongju, which is situated approximately 150 km north-northwest of the capital city of Pyongyang, within the North Pyongan Province, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

Leading Australian mining and geological consultancy, HDR Salva Resources Pty Ltd, has been SRE’s technical representative for the project and has been commissioned to access the mineralised potential of the Jongju REE target* with special reference to detailed mapping, extensive trenching and limited drilling.

HDR Salva Resources (Pty) Ltd.’s initial assessment of the Jongju REE Exploration Target* indicates a total mineralisation potential of 6.0 Bt (216.2 Mt total rare-earth-oxides including light rare-earth- elements such as lanthanum, cerium and praseodymium (mainly britholite and associated rare earth minerals). Approximately 2.66% of the 216.2 Mt TREO consists of heavy rare-earth-elements. A detailed classification of mineralised potential present in the Jongju REE Target* is presumed to be:

• 664.8 Mt @ >10.00% TREO,
• 1.1 Bt @ 4.72% TREO,
• 579.4 Mt @ 3.97% TREO, and
• 3.63 Bt @ 1.35% TREO.

Dr Louis Schurmann said: “The Jongju Target* would appear to be the World’s largest known REE occurrence.”

Technical information in this announcement has been compiled by Dr Louis W. Schurmann, who is a Fellow of the Australasian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy and a Professional Natural Scientist with over 18 years of experience relevant to the styles and types of rare earth mineral deposits under consideration, and to the activities which has been undertaken to qualify as a Competent Person as defined by the Australasian Code for Reporting of Minerals Resources and Reserves (JORC) 2004. Dr Schurmann consents to the inclusion of information in this publication.

Further exploration is planned to recommence in March 2014, which will include 96,000m (Phase 1) and 120,000m (Phase 2) of core drilling. Results from the exploration program will be reported according to the Joint Ore Reserves Committee of The Australasian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy, Australian Institute of Geoscientists and Mineral Council of Australia (JORC Code (2004 / 2012)).

Investigations by the DPRK’s Academy of Science geologists have also identified several HREE targets*. There are also seven newly discovered carbonatite complexes which have been identified as green-field exploration targets. Exploration programs have been planned to assess their potential in 2014, together with the evaluation of known bastnasite and monazite deposits.

According to the mentioned HDR Salva Resources’ assessment, the Jongju REE Target* also contains economical quantities of rare and critical metals associated with fluorite, apatite, zircon, magnetite, ilmenite, nepheline and feldspar. These commodities will also be addressed during future exploration and further studies.
“This joint venture agreement reinforces the strong and constructive relationship SRE has developed with the DPRK over that time,” he said.

“The REE resource potential of the DPRK, while estimated to be massive has only been lightly explored to date. Given the major economic significance of the effective utilisation of these important minerals to the DPRK, we look forward to working in close co-operation with our partner to progress the development of this excellent opportunity.”

In terms of back ground, the majority of rare earth elements were sourced from placer deposits in India and Brazil in 1948. During the 1950’s, supply came mainly from South Africa, mined from large veins of rare earth-bearing monazite. Then from the 1960’s to 1980’s, rare earths were supplied primarily from the U.S., predominantly from Mountain Pass in California. Competition from China and environmental concerns eventually saw the U.S. operations shut down, and for the last 15 years China has dominated global supply. China today supplies an estimated 90-95% of the global market.

China has recently set quotas to restrict its rare earth exports, and global suppliers have made considerable headway in reducing dependence on Chinese supply. Based on this, several major rare earth companies have been taking advantage of this situation while many junior exploration companies have embarked on exploration programs to add value to small and relatively low-grade REE occurrences.

References to Exploration Target(s)* or Target(s)* in this document are in accordance with the guidelines of the JORC Code (2004). As such it is important to note that in relation to reported Exploration Targets or Target any reference to quality and quantity are conceptual in nature. Exploration carried out to date is insufficient to be able to estimate and report rare-earth mineral resources in accordance with the JORC Code (2004). It is uncertain if further exploration will result in the determination of a rare earth mineral Resource.

Further information will be available at www.pcreml.com and www.sreminerals.com

Here is coverage in Voice of America,  Time, The Diplomat.

Read the full story here:
Largest known rare earth deposit discovered in North Korea
Mining.com
Frik Els
2013-12-5

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Inter-Korean trade begins to recover in Q4 2013

Sunday, November 24th, 2013

According to Yonhap:

Inter-Korean trade has gradually been returning to normal levels following the reopening of a joint industrial park in North Korea’s border city of Kaesong in September, government data showed Sunday.

According to data from the Ministry of Unification and the Korea Customs Service, two-way trade between South and North Korea amounted to US$152.15 million last month. The amount is equivalent to 80.9 percent of total bilateral trade in the same month last year.

“Exports have grown with the entry of large amounts of raw materials, production facilities and food supplies as (the Kaesong complex) prepares to resume operations in earnest,” a ministry official said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

The complex, which ground to a halt in April amid high security tensions on the Korean Peninsula, reopened in September. Inter-Korean trade is limited to the joint factory park because all other economic exchanges have been banned since May 2010 due to North Korea’s sinking of a South Korean warship in March of that year.

“The Kaesong Industrial Complex is gradually recovering to previous levels,” the official said.

The complex, a key outcome of the first-ever inter-Korean summit in 2000, combines South Korean capital and technology with cheap North Korean labor to produce clothes, utensils, watches and other labor-intensive goods.

The project serves as a key source of cash for the impoverished country.

My compendium of stories related to the closure and reopening of the Kaesong Zone can be found here.

Read the full story here:
Inter-Korean trade recovers following reopening of Kaesong complex
Yonhap
2013-11-24

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Special Economic Zones (SEZs) and Economic Development Zones

Thursday, November 21st, 2013

UPDATE 1 (2013-11-29): New economic zones are under development at provincial level – development of Sinuiju special zone officially announced (IFES):

North Korea has enacted the Economic Zone Development Act on May 29 this year and explained, “The economic development zones are special economic zones where preferential treatments are guaranteed in accordance with appropriate laws as provided by the state.” It also elucidated that the provincial level SEZs were to be managed differently from the central-level SEZs.

On October 16, the institution in charge of the central-level economic development zones, the General State Economic Development Department, was upgraded to become the State Economic Development Commission, with Kim Ki Sok appointed as the commission’s chairman. Kim served as the vice-chairman of the Joint Investment Committee of Korea. In addition, the Korean Economic Development Association was established as a private organization, with Yun Yong Sok being named as president.

Provincial-level economic development zones will be open to joint venture company or independent investment by a foreign company and 50 years are guaranteed as the cooperation period. Each of the 13 SEZs in each province will be developed incorporating the special characteristics of each region. The total amount of investment permitted in this area will range from 70 million USD to 240 million USD. The provincial-level SEZs will be managed by the Economic Zone Development Bureau.

With the announcement of the names of the 13 SEZs, it is likely the development plans is likely to proceed rather rapidly.

On the other hand, Sinuiju SEZ is reported to be developed as a central-level zone. In 2002, Sinuiju already had received the title as a special administrative region but after the arrest of the Administrative Minister Yang Bin, the development of this area came to a halt.

The plan for Sinuiju SEZ is likely to be developed as state-of-the-art, comprehensive special zone modeled after China’s Shenzhen SEZ.  A Joint Venture Investment Committee and an international group from Hong Kong will hold 50:50 shares and establish a new joint venture company.

Sinuiju is especially located in a geographically advantageous area, adjacent from Dandong City divided by the Amnok (Yalu) River and it is well connected through railway and bridge that connects the two cities. The currently under construction New Yalu River Bridge is also in progress and expected for completion early next year.

ORIGINAL POST (2013-11-21): Until this year, there were four Special Economic Zones (SEZs) in the DPRK: Hwanggumphyong and Wihwado Economic Zones, Kaesong Industrial Zone, Mt. Kumgang Tourist Special Zone, Rason Economic and Trade Zone.

There is also a new “Kaesong Latest Science, Technology Development Zone” under construction.

On November 21, 2013, KCNA reported additional information on the continuing evolution of the DPRK’s Special Economic Zones (특수경제지대) and Economic Development Zones (경제개발구).

KCNA reported again that Sinuiju will be the site of a Special Economic Zone:

DPRK to Set Up Special Economic Zone in Sinuiju

Pyongyang, November 21 (KCNA) — The DPRK decided to set up a special economic zone in some part of Sinuiju, North Phyongan Province.

The sovereignty of the DPRK will be exercised in the zone.

A relevant decree of the Presidium of the Supreme People’s Assembly of the DPRK was released on Thursday.

Here is the same article in Korean:

신의주시의 일부 지역에 특수경제지대 내오기로 결정

(평양 11월 21일발 조선중앙통신)조선에서 평안북도 신의주시의 일부 지역에 특수경제지대를 내오기로 하였다.

특수경제지대에는 조선민주주의인민공화국 주권이 행사된다.

이와 관련한 조선민주주의인민공화국 최고인민회의 상임위원회 정령이 21일에 발표되였다.(끝)

Sinuiju has been proposed as a Special Administrative Region (SAR) before. You can read all Sinuiju SAR posts hereHere is the announcement in KCNA from 2002-9-20 announcing the SAR. Ultimately the endeavor was not successful, thought it ultimately led to the creation of the nearby Hwanggumphyong and Wihwado Economic Zones

On the same day that KCNA made this announcement, they also offered more information on the new provincial level “Economic Development Zones (경제개발구). I am unsure of the relationship between “Special Economic Zone” and “Economic Development Zone”.

According to the KCNA article:

The DPRK is to set up economic development zones in provinces.

A decree of the Presidium of the Supreme People’s Assembly of the DPRK was released Thursday.

According to the decree, some part of Ojok-ri, Uiju County, North Phyongan Province will come under the jurisdiction of Ryongun-ri. Ryongun-ri will belong to Sinuiju and be called North Phyongan Provincial Amnokgang economic development zone [압록강경제개발구].

Jagang Provincial Manpho economic development zone [자강도 만포경제개발구] will be established in some areas of Mitha-ri (including Poldung Islet) and Phosang-ri, Manpho City, Jagang Province and Jagang Provincial Wiwon industrial development zone [자강도 위원공업개발구] will be set up in areas covering part of Tokam-ri and part of Kosong-ri, Wiwon County.

North Hwanghae Provincial Sinphyong tourist development zone [황해북도 신평관광개발구] will appear in some areas of Phyonghwa-ri, Sinphyong County, North Hwanghae Province and North Hwanghae Provincial Songrim export processing zone [황해북도 송림수출가공구] will be set up in some areas of Sosong-ri, Songrim City.

Kangwon Provincial Hyondong industrial development zone [강원도 현동공업개발구] will be set up in some areas of Hyondong-ri, Wonsan City, Kangwon Province.

South Hamgyong Provincial Hungnam industrial development zone [함경남도 흥남공업개발구] will take its shape in some areas in Haean District, Hamhung City, South Hamgyong Province and South Hamgyong Provincial Pukchong agricultural development zone [함경남도 북청농업개발구] will be created in areas covering part of Mundong-ri, Pudong-ri and Jongsan-ri of Pukchong County.

North Hamgyong Provincial Chongjin economic development zone [함경북도 청진경제개발구] will be set up in areas covering part of Wolpho-ri, Susong-dong and Namsok-ri, Songphyong District, Chongjin City, North Hamgyong Province. North Hamgyong Provincial Orang agricultural development zone [함경북도 어랑농업개발구] will appear in some areas of Ryongjon-ri, Orang County. North Hamgyong Provincial Onsong island tourist development zone [함경북도 온성섬관광개발구] will be formed in some areas of Onsong township, Onsong County.

Ryanggang Provincial Hyesan economic development zone [량강도 혜산경제개발구] will appear in some areas of Sinjang-ri, Hyesan City, Ryanggang Province.

Some areas of Ryongnam-ri, Waudo District, Nampho City will turn into Nampho City Waudo export processing zone [남포시 와우도수출가공구].

The sovereignty of the DPRK will be exercised in the provincial economic development zones.

The Korean version of this article can be found here. The DPRK announced there would be 14 SEZ/Economic Development Zones. With the inclusion of the Sinuiju Special Economic Zone with the KCNA list of 13 economic development zones, you will get 14. However, there are other economic development zones that have been announced that are not included on this list. By my count there are  at least 18. If one is to be in each province, then zones in South Phyongan and South Hwanghae have yet to be announced.

As mentioned before, these economic development zones are supposed to be governed by the Law on Economic Development Zones and the Economic Development Commission/Association.

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North Korea emphasizing the development of science and technology for the construction of a powerful nation

Thursday, November 21st, 2013

Institute for Far Eastern Studies (IFES)
2013-11-21

Under the new leadership of Kim Jong Un, the importance of advancing the country’s science and technology is being increasingly highlighted. Recently, a conference for scientists and technicians was held on November 13, 2013. Although Kim Jong Un did not attend, his article on “Let’s Promote Transition for the Development of Science and Technology to Build a Powerful Nation” was delivered and letters of appeal to the participants were also announced at the conference.

The first three pages of the November 14, 2013 edition of Rodong Sinmun featured news on the conference. The letters of appeal to the scientists and technicians were included in the article, which read, “The future of building a powerful nation depends on science and technology.” The letters encouraged scientists from each field to put in more effort. It was also stated that “Our party considers science and technology as the most important state affair and the basis for our nation’s development and is bringing scientification in all sectors.” Resolving the food situation and energy shortage problem was stated as the most urgent task for the scientists and technicians. The article also boasted the achievements made in the development of computer numerical control (CNC) and high-tech industries such as nanotechnology and defense-related science and technology.

Premier Pak Pong Ju also commented that North Korea will “push strongly and boldly for the creation of high-tech development zones” and stressed that investment in this sector will be prioritized, seemingly referring to the plan of building more areas that incorporate science and technology with the economy, as the ground-breaking ceremony for the “Kaesong High-Tech Industrial Park” is reported to have took place on Monday, November 11.

From early on the Kim Jong Un regime expressed interest in science and technology. After North Korea’s successful launch of a long-range rocket in December 2012, engineers and scientists were invited to Pyongyang and were officially proclaimed “heroes of the Republic.” Recently, in an effort to raise the living standard of elite scientists, construction of special residential complexes — Unha Scientists Street and residential complex for Kim Il Sung University faculty — were completed.

Since last August, new slogans such as “Science and Technology for Everyone” are being promoted for the purpose of cultivating young talent in the field of science and technology. This is reminiscent of the slogans associated with the former Kim Il Sung regime’s refined military doctrine of the 1960s, i.e., the ‘four-point military line’, which stressed the need for arming the entire nation to safeguard the homeland. The recent conference magnifies the prevalent atmosphere — that is, preferential treatment for scientists and increased emphasis on science and technology.

This recent trend reflects North Korea’s recognition that economic development must be backed by strong advancement in science and technology. Science and technology has been put forth as the instrument in which to achieve the nation’s goal of becoming an economic powerhouse of knowledge. Scientists are expected to play a critical, central role in North Korea’s economic development.

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Recent developments in Rason

Wednesday, November 20th, 2013

A new article in Forbes updates us on some of the changes in Rason:

Tomas Novotny has been in North Korea two days, and he looks frazzled. It was a long journey from Prague, and standing on the street in downtown Rajin, his government minder by his side, he can already see that doing business in the DPRK’s remote northeast will present an unusual set of challenges.

Novotny is here because of that railway line. A brewing technologist with the Czech firm Zvu Potez, he has come to set up a brewery. All the equipment and materials were transported by train–from Prague to Moscow, through Siberia and onto the branch line of the Trans-Korean main line.

“We’re still building the brewery. Come and see it,” says Novotny. The two containers that brought the Zvu Potez equipment from Prague lie 50 meters from the brewery. It’s a great location by the sea in Rajin’s main park. The business is a joint venture between the Czech firm and the Rason regional government, says Novotny, and will target tourists and foreigners. There are about 300 Western tourists–including Russians–a year and about 20,000 Chinese visitors to the country’s northeast.

“When they’ve finished building,” he says, shouting over the drilling, “I’m going to teach three or four locals how to brew. I hope they can speak English. If they can’t it will be interesting.”

He expects to be in Rason for six months establishing the business, but already he misses home and his young son. “I won’t get to speak to them until I go home at Christmas,” he says.

North Korea’s telecommunications challenges are a headache for business, too. Foreigners are able to get 3G on their phones, but it is expensive. International calls are possible but equally pricey.

“When telecommunications become a little more open that will indicate the seriousness of purpose,” says Andray Abrahamian, who directs Choson Exchange, a Singaporean nonprofit that focuses on business and legal training for young North Koreans in the DPRK.

Abrahamian has been watching North Korea for a decade and visited Rason several times. He says things are finally moving, a result of legal changes made in 2010 that helped make Rason more autonomous. Further legal changes two years ago were intended to harmonize Rason’s economic laws with those of China, he says.

“The degree to which [Pyongyang] will allow autonomy to the regional decision makers or local planners has yet to be seen. That’s a key issue for Rason–how autonomous are these places really?” asks Abrahamian, 36.

“Chinese small and medium-size enterprises, from Jilin Province but also Heilongjiang Province, are continuing to come in–Rason is experiencing growth,” says Abrahamian.

Not all the factories are new. The Rajin Garment Factory was built in 1958, long before talk of special economic zones. In the early days it produced school uniforms for North Korean students. After 1991 it took orders from China and today employs 180 staff.

The factory manager stands on the front steps. It’s early evening, and he’s watching a staff volleyball game in the car park. Has business improved since Rason was made a special economic zone?

He shrugs and says: “It’s hard to say. It’s different. For every school uniform we used to get paid 800 won and a 1,200-won government subsidy. Now there is no government subsidy.”

The workers, nearly all women, are given housing and paid 600? to 700 won a month, plus overtime, he says. Inside the factory, on the first floor, close to 100 women are clocking overtime. Wearing blue uniforms and matching head scarves, they are sewing puffer jackets, hurrying to complete a big order. The final step of the process is to sew in the label: “Made in China.”

The tag is written in English, and the woman packing the jackets doesn’t understand the visitors’ raised eyebrows. Apparently this is a common practice.

It’s noisy on the factory floor. The popular all-girl band Moranbong blasts out of speakers, drowning out the whir of sewing machines. It’s impossible to hear the drone of the generator, switched on after yet another power failure, a regular feature of life in the DPRK.

There is a deal in place to bring power from Jilin Province, but the Chinese have been holding it up using the pretext of an environmental impact study.

More Chinese power can’t hurt, says researcher Melvin, “but there are many more substantive problems the North Korean must overcome before serious large-scale investment can move into the country. The DPRK cannot currently credibly commit to any policy–no policy stability, rule of law–and has a poor record of honoring its agreements and impartially enforcing contracts. No independent company will risk serious capital in this environment.”

Another matter is fuel. Joseph Naemi is director of HBOil, an oil trading and refining company based in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. HBOil grabbed a few headlines in June when it was reported the firm had acquired a 20% stake in Sungri oil refinery in Rason. That was premature, says Naemi: HBOil has 20% of a state-dominated joint venture called Korean Oil Exploration Corp. International, and a formal commitment with Sungri has yet to be made. Another option is to invest in a refinery on the west coast of the DPRK.

“The easy option is Sungri oil refinery because it’s based on Russian technology and because of its location in terms of the dynamic state of affairs in Rason Special Economic Zone. We are conducting engineering assessment of the refinery to determine the various phases of upgrading and expanding–it’s a work in progress,” says Naemi.

Describing Rason officials as well educated and smart, he says they understand issues of foreign investment protection, taxation and the need to not only be fiscally transparent but also to offer attractive terms to investors.

“I know a number of Mongolian companies, all privately owned, that are at various stages of either investing in North Korea or finalizing their joint ventures so that they can invest. There is a robust relationship between Mongolia and North Korea,” says Naemi.

For anyone doing business, there will be surprises. Standing on the terrace of the new brewery, Novotny looks out at the recently planted lawn. The seeds have been planted in rows, five centimeters apart, all the way down to the sea. Come summer and the warmer weather, the grass should have taken. It stands to be a great spot for a bar.

“Yeah, if we’re still open,” says Novotny and laughs. He drops his voice and out of earshot of his minder adds: “Look at the grass, see how it grows in such straight lines. Things are different here.”

Read the full story here:
Things are Brewing in North Korea’s Rason Zone
Forbes
Kate Whitehead
2013-11-20

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Hao Ze’s investment in the DPRK

Monday, November 18th, 2013

This article contains a wealth on information on Chinese investment and financial support of the DPRK.

According to the South China Morning Post:

On his ninth business trip to North Korea this year, Hao Ze has been meeting government officials to finalise his latest investment deal, providing equipment to mine rutile, an ingredient in paints, plastics and sunscreen.

The work at the mineral ore deposit will add to Hao’s growing business empire, which includes a plant manufacturing car parts, a restaurant and a spa – all investments in a country run by a reclusive dictatorship.

Hao is among a growing league of private Chinese investors lured by North Korea’s powerful business potential and undeterred by its unpredictable politics. The investments are fuelling growth in North Korea’s economy, as well as concerns among Western analysts that the boom could encourage more erratic behaviour by the hermit kingdom.

There, Chinese investors dominate certain business sectors – in particular, mining – and its one reason many analysts say that North Korea’s feeble economy appears to be improving.

Before 2011, North Korea had been running a deficit. Two prominent economists have estimated that the country enjoyed a small surplus over the last two years. Last year, the country’s gross domestic product grew by 1.3 per cent, according to Bank of South Korea. The bank did not provide any dollar figures.

Most of these business deals are private and sealed outside of the Chinese government’s control. The exact size of the investments could not be gleaned. But many of the arrangements are profitable and have inadvertently increased Pyongyang’s dependence on its closest ally, Beijing, even as China has shown apparent frustration with the nuclear ambitions of supreme leader Kim Jong-un.

The increase in North Korea’s wealth from the investments could also shift the country’s engagement, or lack of it, with the outside world. Some researchers fear that with more capital, North Korea’s nuclear ambitions might grow bolder. The country will also have less incentive to introduce economic changes. Other researchers express hope that foreign investment creates an opportunity for more fruitful engagement with the outside world and the international community.

Raised in the central province of Zhejiang , Hao’s interest in North Korea was piqued by his grandfather, who fought in the Korean war in the 1950s. The grandson started travelling to North Korea in 2004 with friends to distribute food and money. He cultivated contacts and resourceful middlemen, and relied on those people when, in 2010, he started to import North Korean ginseng and honey to China. His portfolio expanded steadily and now includes a variety of small businesses on the peninsula.

He and several Chinese partners have invested 10 million yuan (HK$12.6 million) in Pyongyang, where he employs about 150 local workers, built an 8,000-square-metre factory compound and runs a restaurant and spa.

“There certainly are risks,” Hao says. “But this place is just like China in the 1980s. It’s highly risky, but it’s also highly profitable if you seize the opportunity.”

The actual size of private Chinese investment in North Korea is hard to gauge. Chinese citizens had poured about US$6 billion into businesses in North Korea by 2011, according to Sheila Miyoshi Jager, an associate professor of East Asian studies at Oberlin College in the United States.

China’s non-financial foreign direct investment in North Korea had reached US$290 million by the end of 2010, according to China’s Ministry of Commerce, a figure included in a report last year by the newspaper Oriental Morning Post in Shanghai. Hao and other academics say the figure is growing as more Chinese investors with an appetite for risk venture into North Korea.

And risks there are. Last year, a rare open row between a Chinese company and the North Korean government drew international attention to Korea’s opaque rules and arbitrary decisions. Chinese fertiliser and mineral producer Xiyang Group said in an August 2012 blog post that, after it had spent four years and 240 million yuan on an iron ore enterprise, North Korean authorities suddenly cancelled the company’s contract last year. The company said it was cheated out of its mining assets after North Korean officials extorted more than US$800,000 from the Chinese firm.

Xiyang called its venture a “nightmare” and said estimates of their losses were US$55.3 million. North Korean state media denied the claims and said the company implemented just 50 per cent of its investment obligations. Beijing has stayed silent about the dispute.

The incident has not dampened the enthusiasm of Chinese investors. Hao says that private businessmen like him are lured by a large pool of cheap labour and lower operating costs. Despite an unstable electrical power supply, utility fees and taxes are much lower than in China.

Almost 90 per cent of the more than 300 Chinese investors surveyed in 2007 reported making a profit in North Korea despite problems such as asset theft and rampant corruption, according to a survey by Marcus Noland and Stephan Haggard, two economists at the Peterson Institute for International Economics in Washington.

“That’s partly because this place is so isolated and so underdeveloped that if you can avoid major problems, there is money to be made,” Noland says.

Hao made big profits in the manufacturing and service industries. Now he’s setting his sights on North Korea’s mining sector, an increasingly important component of the country’s economy that has otherwise been severed from international trade.

That’s partly because of sanctions imposed by the United Nations and Western countries. Hao intends to invest 36 million yuan in his rutile venture, working with a company from Qinghai , which Hao declines to name as the deal is not finalised.

Chinese investors dominate North Korea’s mining industry. According to the US Korea Institute at John Hopkins University in the US, 41 per cent of the 138 Chinese companies registered as doing business in North Korea in 2010 were involved in the mining industry.

However, Zhang Huizhi from Jilin University’s North East Research Centre says that many private Chinese investors are working in North Korea without registering with Chinese authorities.

It’s believed that North Korea has around 200 different minerals and US$6 trillion worth of rare elements and mineral deposits including magnetite, zinc, copper and limestone, according to estimates by the South Korean state-owned mining company Korea Resources.

However, many international investors are turned off by North Korea’s cryptic business environment, unstable politics and faulty infrastructure, which have made operating mines and transporting minerals difficult. Chinese businessmen, though, plough ahead thanks to their proximity, access to savvy Chinese middlemen who speak Korean and connections on both sides of the border. “These are the resources not available for other investors,” says Scott Bruce, an associate with the East West Centre in the United States.

Coal mining is a popular choice for Chinese businesses. According to Bruce, many Chinese investors pay far less for North Korean coal than for what’s extracted from other countries. North Korea, however, pays a premium for Chinese coal imports.

“The Chinese investors have to deal with huge risks to get in and out of the country. They often have to build infrastructure to access the minerals, so they are looking for their costs to reflect those risks,” Bruce says.

Since he inherited power in 2011, supreme leader Kim has pledged to revive the country’s economy. In October, Pyongyang announced a plan to establish 14 special economic zones to attract more foreign investment. Last year, the government began allowing North Koreans to work in China. But experts wonder whether Kim is committed to opening economic borders or if he will roll back the few existing reforms, as his father did, for fear of losing authority.

Recent visitors to North Korea do not dispute that the country’s economy may be improving.

“There are a lot more taxis on the road. More people are using cell phones. And you would be surprised to see that the restaurants are actually packed,” says Wu Wenxing, a Chinese businessman who has visited the country five times since last year.

No hard figures are available to indicate the country’s economic performance. But according to ongoing research by Noland and Haggard, the country is likely to have run a surplus in the past two years largely because of growing trade with China.

While analysts are still trying to explain the sudden growth in wealth, many see China’s economic presence, especially in the mining industry, as a major contributing factor. Despite Beijing’s support for the latest round of United Nations sanctions against North Korea, bilateral trade between the two nations hit a record high in the first eight months of this year.

Noland said a wealthier North Korea could mean that the country would be less vulnerable to international pressure.

Remco Breuker from Leiden University in the Netherlands agrees. He says that the international community could be forced to readjust how it engages with North Korea. More international investments, he argues, could prod the country to become a better international neighbour.

“For years it has been the premise of US policy towards the North that if you exert enough pressure, the country will collapse. But it’s not happening, and in fact the country is in the black,” Breuker says. “We have to realise North Korea is here to stay.”

North Korea’s parallel development of nuclear weapons would hamper its economic development, Noland says. Most of the nuclear and missile tests would be followed by UN sanctions, a key detractor for international investors.

Expanding the country’s mineral extraction might have an economic downside. Bruce from the East West Centre says it may convince North Korea that it’s better to sell its resources for short-term cash while delaying productive economic changes that would promote long-term growth.

Sunny Lee, a fellow with the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Centre at Stanford University, says that Beijing would not mind a wealthier North Korea as long as it maintains a good relationship with Beijing.

“Given the economic sanctions from the US and its allies, Pyongyang’s economic dependence on China is bound to deepen,” Lee says.

For businessmen like Hao, all is well as long as business is good. “We are expecting to recoup all our investment next year,” he says.

Read the full story here:
Chinese businessmen seek profitable opportunities in North Korea
or Mining North Korean opportunities
South China Morning Post
Kristine Kwok
2013-11-18

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Data on the DPRK’s informal economy

Saturday, November 16th, 2013

According to the Choson Ilbo:

The belief that money can buy anything is rife in North Korea. Farmers can buy membership of the Workers Party, the gateway to the elite, from a senior party official for about $300. Factory or company workers or soldiers have to pay about $500 for party membership. College admission can also be bought with a bribe.

“Anybody can buy admission to Pyongyang Medical University for $10,000 and to the law or economics departments of Kim Il-sung University for between $5,000 and $10,000,” said a South Korean government source.

The opportunity to work overseas costs $3,000, plus an extra $1,000 if workers want their stay extended another year.

Currently, a U.S. dollar is worth about 7,000 North Korean won. Would-be defectors pay border guards $40 to cross the Apnok or Duman rivers, and $60 to carry old or feeble people on their back.

Asked about the monthly average household income, 31.7 percent said they earned up to 300,000 North Korean won. Next came up to 100,000 won for 16.6 percent, up to 500,000 won for 13.7 percent, and up to 1 million won for 13.2 percent.

But their official salary for their work is a mere 3,000 to 5,000 won, meaning they earned the rest of their income chiefly in the informal economy.

The most popular means of earning money are small shops or restaurants, cottage industries like making clothes and shoes, and private tutoring and private medical services.

Farmers can earn 60,000 to 80,000 won a month by harvesting 700 kg of beans and corn annually from their allocated field and raising five chickens and a dog.

Recently, a growing number of people are getting into the transportation business by illegally registering vehicles or boats, which are banned from private ownership, in the name of agencies or companies and appropriating their profits.

They also make money from smuggling. Repairing computers or mobile phones has become a popular job as well as repairmen can earn $5 to $10 per job.

Read the full story here:
N.Korea’s Informal Economy Thrives
Choson Ilbo
2013-11-16

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