North Korean Economy Watch

From Industry Week:

June 29, 2006 — China and North Korea have signed an agreement to build a hydroelectric dam on the Yalu river which borders the two nations, state media reported June 28.  The deal was signed on Tuesday in Pyongyang between China’s Changchuan Hydroelectric Power Co. Ltd. of Jilin province and North Korea’s electric power and coal industry ministry.

China will fund the 350 million yuan (US$43.75 million) Wenyue Hydroelectric Project, while the infrastructure will be built in North Korea. The dam will have a capacity of 40,000 kilowatts although the electricity will be used in North Korea where power supplies are far more scarce.

Construction on the dam is expected to begin in September and will be completed in three years. The Chinese side will provide equipment for the dam.

Under the agreement the North Korean side will repay the investment on the dam to the Chinese side from proceeds from electricity sales.

from the Joong Ang:

Chinese specialists on Korean affairs have revealed greater concerns about the political stability in North Korea than at any other time since the height of the North Korean food crisis in 1996-97.

Chinese concerns do not necessarily mean that the political leadership in Pyongyang is near a collapse, but they reveal that China’s crisis is primarily about North Korea’s economic and political stability, not its nuclear weapons.

Chinese analysts are preoccupied with a fundamental dilemma in pursuing stability in North Korea: unless North Korea pursues reform and opens up, it cannot survive, but reform and openness could lead to political instability in North Korea, to the detriment of China’s own interests.

China’s primary objective is to prevent instability while simultaneously encouraging North Korea’s economic reform ― not to denuclearize North Korea as the United States desires or to promote South Korea’s unification aims. The exchange of summits in recent months between Hu Jintao and Kim Jong-il has strengthened China’s political influence in North Korea. Chinese investments in North Korea’s energy and other sectors and the widespread availability of Chinese products in North Korean markets have raised anxieties in Seoul that China is making North Korea into China’s “fourth northeastern province.”

China’s economic rise has given it new tools for promoting the stability of weak states on its periphery. Chinese government-led investments and cheap products are providing China with the decisive political influence to stabilize weak or failing state structures in neighboring countries such as Pakistan, Laos and Myanmar, as well as North Korea.

Chinese specialists recall their own experience with opening and reform, and fret that North Korea cannot claim a “peaceful environment” in which to pursue reform as long as there is nuclear confrontation with the United States. The Chinese want the United States to lessen tension and promote an environment conducive to North Korean economic reform.

North Korean leaders focus on the security threat from the United States, but the greatest enemy of the North Korean system is the penetration of external goods and information and the development of self-interest and individual choice as real options for the North Korean people. These bottom-up changes are eroding North Korea’s corporatist, leader-centered ideological controls and transforming the relationship between the individual and the state.

The rapid emergence of legal and illicit cross-border market interactions that have mushroomed outside state-level political controls in China or North Korea are the real threat to the North’s political stability. The seeds of North Korea’s demise, ironically, are likely to be “made in China,” not the United States.

Certainly, China prefers a Korean Peninsula that is friendly to China, or alternatively the maintenance of North Korea as a strategic buffer. Chinese analysts remain suspicious of American intentions. They believe a U.S.-North Korea confrontation is in America’s interest and that President Bush’s hopes for a peaceful, unified, free and democratic Korean Peninsula must be resisted.

Chinese analysts know that change in North Korea is inevitable, but they claim that there is no alternative to Kim Jong-il’s leadership, in which they have made a significant political investment. Despite North Korean efforts to restore political controls, disaffection with the top leadership that was almost unknown a decade ago is gradually spreading with the flood of external cultural influences that has invaded Pyongyang. This development is most worrisome to Chinese analysts concerned about North Korea’s stability.

It is no accident that Chinese military forces moved closer to the border with North Korea in recent years.

Military analysts admit that Chinese contingency plans are in place to intervene for “environmental control” to secure nuclear weapons and fissile materials in the event of regime instability, but the primary objective would be to protect China from the spillover effects of chaos in North Korea. Likewise, the United States surely has its own plans to secure North Korean “loose nukes” in the event of political instability, regardless of possible political or legal obstacles to such an intervention.

Given the low level of U.S.-Chinese military-to-military relations and high level of strategic distrust over the future of North Korea, there is no effective mechanism for official dialogue between the United States and China to mitigate the possibility of accidental conflict in the event that more than one state tries to secure “loose nukes” during political instability in North Korea.

The 2001 crisis involving an American intelligence aircraft brought down on Hainan Island revealed the risks that derive from poor channels of communication.

Regardless of whether or not North Korea’s regime is likely to fail or become unstable, there is a need to address such contingencies and clarify proper courses of action.

Advance discussions among the three countries might minimize the prospect of a conflict between special operations forces from the United States, China, and/or South Korea in any race to secure North Korea’s “loose nukes” during a period of regime crisis in the North. 

From the Joong Ang Ilbo:

During the JoongAng Ilbo’s 10-day survey of North Korean economic venues in May, North Korea’s high dependence on China was very prominent. Noting that trend, North Korea experts in Seoul recommended that South Korea make efforts to increase its industrial investment in the North to assist the failing economy and allow it to make ends meet. Donating food and other aid, they said, was contrary to the aphorism, “Give a man a fish and he can eat for a day; teach him to fish and he can eat for a lifetime.”

Throughout the trip from May 11-20, North Korean officials proudly displayed a series of automated factories, calling them the models of the reclusive communist country’s modernization. The Daean Friendship Glass Factory was on the tour; officials said China had built the factory at no cost to North Korea. Similarly, production lines in several other plants were overwhelmingly “made in China.”

The March 26 Cable Factory in Pyongyang used Chinese machines; its raw materials appeared to be from China as well. The Pyongyang Cosmetic Factory, which produces cosmetics, toiletries and toothpaste, was also equipped with Chinese machines. The toothpaste production line used equipment from Nanjing Machinery, and the soap production facility was equipped by companies in Quingtao.

At the International Trade Fair in Pyongyang, most booths were set up by Chinese firms. Among the 217 companies that participated in the fair, more than 80 percent were Chinese or joint ventures that included a Chinese partner.

North Korea’s trade is also overwhelmingly skewed toward China: in 2004, nearly half of the North’s trade was with its neighbor. “North Korean industries are 90 percent dependent on China,” said Kim Suk-jin, a North Korean economy researcher at the Korea Institute for Industrial Economics and Trade.

That’s not entirely a bad thing, some economists here said; joining the world economy through China could become a catalyst for reform and opening of the North Korean economy. But they also said they were somewhat uneasy that China’s influence on the Korean Peninsula would become “unnecessarily” strong, reflecting deep-seated Korean unease about foreign influences on the peninsula. Referring to South Korea’s dependency on Japan in the 1960s and 70s for raw materials and facilities, they said that trade with Japan is still skewed in Japan’s favor.

Jeon Jong-mu, the president of HUM Construction Company, was in a party that traveled to North Korea for the international trade show with the journalists. He said North Korean officials had offered him the opportunity to participate in a project to mine aggregate ― rock, gravel and sand ―from the Chongchon River. In return for dredging the river, the offer reportedly went, the North would supply the material to his company.

According to the North Korean officials, the dredging is important to them because frequent flooding of the river damages nearby agricultural areas. “I thought the dredging work would be better for increasing rice production in the North than giving fertilizer,” Mr. Jeon said.

At the Chongsan Cooperative Farm, Ko Myong-hee, its manager, said no South Korean experts have ever visited there but that South Korea has provided it with rice and fertilizer. Lee Kyung-han, the manager of the Korean Standards Association, thought that was a symptom of a problem. He said experts from here should meet with their North Korean counterparts to improve productivity.

Others agreed that for the most part, the South has just been “giving fish” to the North. They said of the $1.6 billion in trade volume between the two Koreas, the South’s rice and fertilizer aid amounts to 35 percent. In the name of helping the poor, sick North Koreans, Seoul just ships rice, fertilizer and medicines.

Both Koreas should learn more about each other, said Kim Dong-ho of the Korea Development Institute. Some North Koreans believed that designating special economic zones would bring large foreign investments instantly, and complained that South Korean businessmen were not making investments in Kaesong Industrial Complex even after visiting the site. He said South Koreans also had a poor understanding of the North’s economy. He blasted the South Korean government and businesses here for making investments based on “rosy anticipations.”

Experts here said the government should focus more on building manufacturing facilities in the North. The March 26 Cable Factory in Pyongyang was modernized by a $2 million donation from North Koreans living overseas, said Kim Sok-nam, the plant’s manager. The Daean Glass Factory was also built with $24 million provided by China.

It would be asking too much, those experts said, to expect South Korean businesses to line up to make investments in the North after watching the woes of the Hyundai Group and the financial problems it faced after making its large investment in Mount Kumgang tourism.

If businessmen are reluctant to invest, perhaps the government should shift tactics. Rather than increase the amount of aid, which cost $365 million in rice and fertilizer alone in 2005, Seoul could offer investment assistance. That $365 million, after all, could have financed 15 Daean Glass Factory plants.

Mr. Lee of the Korean Standards Association proposed that government companies in the South might consider building factories in the North. Others agreed.

“The Kaesong Industrial Complex will take time to settle in,” said Kim Yeon-chul of the Asiatic Research Institute at Korea University. “On the other hand, Pyongyang, Nampo and other important economic venues in the North will be under China’s influence in as little as five years.”

Mr. Kim said South Korea should find ways to exercise its influence in core economic zones of the North. Instead of depending on the pioneer sprits of private firms, a state-run corporation in charge of industrial cooperation with the North should be formed to make profitable investments in the North’s industries, Mr. Kim suggested. “If such a firm existed, the South would have been able to carry out sustainable industrial projects in the North instead of providing light industry materials as aid,” he said. “There is a financial burden at the early stages, but that will eventually be reduced when the investment environment in the North improves, and the state-run corporation will be able to add resources from the international financial market on its own. That is why we need a state company for inter-Korean economic cooperation.”

From the Daily NK:

North Korean prices are continuing to rise.

At Sunam Jangmadang of Chongjin City, the price of rice is 1,200W/1kg, corn 300W, bottle of oil 2,000W, pork 2,500W and pants made from China 20,000W.

As it is spring, not only is it a time where the overall price of Jangmadang rice rises, but because the country is not distributing rations, the majority of people depend on the rice at Jangmadang. Also, rice sellers are watching this opening and are raising prices.

Lee who entered South Korea in 2003 says she has already sent money to her family by various means. The money sent through earnings from part-time jobs and resettlement money from the South Korean government, is becoming a lifeline for her family. Her families in North Korea depend on her to send money to live and get great relief from their daughters who live in South Korea.

Chinese 100yuan is 34,000won at Jangmadangi

Lee’s family who support their living by selling goods made from China, ceased trade because of soaring prices and control of Jangmadang by authorities.

Lee added, as it became harvest season and authorities restrained Jangmadang operations, there was even an incident last May at Chongjin where a lot of children were hospitalized after eating sweets and medicines made from China, and instruction was made in regards to strengthening the regulation of Chinese goods.

However, Chinese goods are in the majority and controlling Chinese commodities in North Korea is ‘shading the sun with the palm of your hand.’ Lee conveyed that to regulate the problem, police officers confiscate Chinese goods such as alcohol and cigarettes, and that oppression is worsening.

According to Lee, at present in Chongjin, Chinese 100yuan is 34,000 won for North Korean money. If this is converted to dollars, $1 calculates approximately 2,750won.

In March, the exchange rate at Musan Jangmadang was 100yuan to 37,125 won North Korean currency, in dollars $1 for 2,970won. The exchange rate for Yuan has decreased since March from roughly 100yuan to about 3,000won.

Local factory workers, majority mobilized to the village

The local industrial factory Lee’s brother works for in Chongjin, has recently closed factory doors and sends workers to the village. Compared to reports of North Korean publicity and media of central businesses in production at Pyongyang, standards of local industries are extremely inferior.

The reason, local industries could not extricate the aftereffects of acute shortages in equipment and materials following the economic breakdown in the mid-90’s.

According to defector of Chongjin, person ‘A’ laments “Recovery in factories is difficult as electric machines and electric lines are stolen and sold. Factories themselves want restoration but money is required, and isn’t it that there is no where money can appear.”

The most urgent is the problem of electricity. Most recently, as it is the farming season, all the electricity is mobilized for the water meter operations, with electricity servicing the villages approximately 10hours daily. However, as electricity is supplied to the villages, meanwhile the city is locked in darkness.

Daily NK
Kim Young Jin
5/28/2006

North Korea is facing the hardest “yellow spring” right now. ‘Yellow Spring’ means the hardest time of the year in North Korea. “Yellow spring” originates from how the sky looks yellow because of starvation.

Mr. Lee Hyun Soo (46) who crossed the Tumen River on 15 May said, “It is hard to endure day by day”.

Mr. Lee, head of a household of four said, “Rumors of people going to China and South Korea go around. I tried not to cross the border, but I did because of my family members who are starving”. He complained, “The government have been acting like they would give us food for a long time, but they deceived us”.

Recently, North Koreans who cannot make their ends meet like Mr. Lee started to cross the Tumen River again. The reporter met 5 North Koreans including Mr. Lee. They met with the reporter at a secret place in Yanji, and expressed strong discontents about the situation of food shortage in North Korea and the policy regarding food distribution system.

Mr. Choi Young Nam (37) said, “I have been waiting since the 1st of April. I know that there are even less rice in spring, so where would the rice come from? They cannot deceive us like this”. Mr. Choi said. “In January and February, rice for 2~3 days were given to the old and supporting families. After that, we bought the rice at Jangmadang price at the distribution center”.

The official price of rice is 45won($0.015) for rice and 25won($0.0083) for corn. After North Korea resumed its food distribution system, the government regulated the rice transaction at Jangmadang while selling rice at 950 won($0.32) and corn at 350 won($0.12), which is same as Jangmadang price. Recently, price at Jangmadang went over 1300 won($0.433) and the price at distribution center went up accordingly.
“Similar To The Situation At The End Of Food Shortage In 1998”

They say, “Family of those who work at the government, police and national security agency store up food for one year. People who work at powerful organizations such as Office #5 (foreign currency earning office under office #39 under the Party, loocated at each city and province) receive food, but other workplaces do not distribute food anymore”.

After the 7.1 Economic Management Improvement Measure in 2002, policy which orders each organization to provide for their workers has been adopted; workplaces with power can feed the workers, while poor factories cannot. People generally have an attitude that does not care if others can eat or not.

Mr. Park who was involved in ‘suitcase business’ with Chinese said, “Everyone is involved in trade, and I could not even break even because I could not sell the goods at fair price”.

Mr. Park who is employed at a steel factory in Hoeryong has three family members to support. Mr. Park crossed theTumen River to earn money by farming in China, because it seemed hopeless and difficult to live in North Korea. Following is what Mr. Park said.

“The situation is similar to the situation at the end of food shortage in 1998. The number of people who come to China will increase soon. People at the border area know that why they are so poor because they are involved in trade with Chineses. All they have in their heart is anger”.

“Living By Grassroots and Porridge, The Old and The Sick Are Dying Of Starvation”

Mr. Hyun Joo Hoon (50) who sold goods in Pyongan and Hwanghae Province says, “People in Pyongan Province are worse off than those in border area”.

People in Pyongan Province and at border area both do not receive food from distribution system, but people in provinces without the capital to start business began to eat grassroots and porridge for meals. Mr. Hyun said, “I ate corn porridge because I only received five day worth of food”. Mr. Hyun said, he had seen the sick and the old dying of starvation at Soonchun and Dukchun in South Pyongan Province.

Mr. Hyun said, “It is because the government regulated the outflow of food to other provinces as the government ordered the regional governments to distribute food on their own”. In the fall of last year, North Korean government has regulated the outflow of food by placing posts at highways connecting different cities and districts.

Mr. Lee added, “People in the inner provinces believe the propaganda of the North Korean government that the reason for the poverty is the economic sanction by imperialists, even when they are dying. Unless their thoughts change, they cannot even resist”.

Will this have repercussions in the south’s credit rating?

From the Daily NK:

On May 22, an official of Moody’s Investor Service, a Credit Rating Agency, announced that despite Kim Jong Il’s visit to China early this year, North Korea did not show indications for internal economic reformation.

On May 22, Vice-president Thomas Byrne of Moody’s Investor Service rated the possibility of North Korea towards economic reformation negative in the North Korean Economic Outlook Symposium held by Institute for Corean-American Studies(ICAS) in the Rusell Senate Building.

Vice-president Byrne estimated that North Korea failed to adjust its currency and exchange rate, and its trade environment was not improved, so that rather its economic situation was worse. Plus, he emphasized that North Korea did not show any signs of internal economic reformation.

He said about Gaesung Industrial Complex that, “If 5 more complexes like Gaesung Industrial Complex develop, we can see North Korea be in the economic reformation’s process, yet the Complex is no more than a symbol”. He emphasized that if North Korea has a strong resolute for economic reformation, “it should follow the economic model of South Korea because the way to Seoul is easier than the train to Shanghai for it”.

Vice-president Byrne warned that if South Korea would continue to support North Korea economically, it would face economic crisis soon.

While saying that, “The difference between the approaches of South Korea and the U.S is not great enough to make an impact on the credit rating of South Korea”, he stated, “Due to North Korea, South Korea always gets a lower credit rating than its original rating”.

Meanwhile, a special correspondent informed that North Korean-Chinese trader Lee Dae Kil(pseudonym, 49) who recently came back from North Korea showed a negative opinion about North Korean economy.

Mr. Lee said that, “There has been little profit in spite of trades with North Koreans for a few years”, and “North Koreans buy and sell only for living, not for investment for profits. He said that, “The North Korean government does not show even such efforts”,.

Mr. Lee said that, “After it was known that the U.S blocked banks banking with North Korea, dollar transactions sharply decreased”, and “There were people who even asked me about what happened outside”.

PYONGYANG ― In a rare visit to this reclusive communist country, a group of South Korean government officials, journalists, businessmen and economic experts attended a series of investment promotion events arranged this week by the North Korean government.

At a trade fair, South Koreans toured bustling booths set up by North Korean and foreign firms, and witnessed North Koreans buying goods there with U.S. dollars in their hands ― an indication that Pyongyang’s limited foray into capitalism, which began in 2002, is slowly progressing in the North’s strictly controlled economy.

The delegates on Wednesday visited the 9th Pyongyang International Trade Fair, where 196 companies from 12 countries set up booths. The delegates were allowed to look around the fair freely. Of the participating firms, 21 were from North Korea and the rest came from 12 other countries, including China, Russia, Spain, Sweden, Syria, Italy and Thailand.

At the fair, Jeil Trust Bank, a North Korean bank, advertised its savings account programs for foreign currency deposits. Cars, bicycles, tires and machinery made in the North were also displayed.

About 1,000 Pyongyang residents and North Korean businessmen also attended the fair, and most flocked around the sales booths of Chinese appliances. Some North Koreans purchased handbags, pots and other goods, making payments with dollars.

The 72-member delegation also visited a glass manufacturing facility southwest of Pyongyang on Wednesday. Daean glass factory, completed in October, was built with a $20 million investment from China. About 30 Chinese technicians are also training North Korean workers at the plant.

“In early 2000, North Korea decided to shut down all its glass factories, and decided to build a new plant,” Pak Jong-ung, deputy manager of the plant, said. “China learned about the plant and invested in it.”

The South Koreans also toured a ship repair plant in Nampo, South Pyeongan province. At the Yongnam factory, Cha Son-mo, senior North Korean maritime affairs official, gave a presentation. “Last year, we finished the second dock, capable of repairing a 50,000-ton ship,” Mr. Cha said. “Please use our facility to promote inter-Korean economic exchange.”

Jeong Nam-su, senior planning manager of STX Corporation, a South Korean ship maintenance firm, said the facility was better equipped than he expected. “It is also surprisingly modernized,” Mr. Jeong said. “I am considering asking the North Korean factory to repair one or two ships after I return to the South.”

On Tuesday, the group attended an investor-relations session hosted by the North’s Trade Ministry, with simultaneous translations into Chinese and English available. About 70 foreign investors attended. It is the first time South Koreans were invited to such an event. Rim Tae-dok, the trade ministry’s councilor, gave the presentation, promising tax benefits and land leases at low prices.

The delegation visited Kim Chaek University of Technology and Kim Il Sung University and toured Mount Myohyang. The group, which began its trip on Monday, will return to Seoul Saturday.

Froom the Daily NK: 
5/18/2006

Approximately one million crossed the DPRK/PRC border back and forth during the food shortage. Today, the border area is where most recent, accurate information about North Korea can be obtained.

China stationed soldiers from Shunyang military district to the North Korea-China border three years ago. The border line of North Korea including Yalu River and Tumen River is 1,376.5 km. North Korea-China border is 1,360km, and North Korea-Russia border line is 16.5km.

North Korea has 100-110 thousand strong ground forces on the border area in order to control the inflow of information from outside and the illegal smuggling and border transgression of North Korean defectors. It means that each soldier guards 14m.
Ground Forces on the border increased rapidly after the treaty of friendship between China and South Korea

The reinforcement of the border in the 1990s has much to do with the change in international politics including the demise of the Cold War the growth of friendship between China and South Korea. Until the early 1990s when North Korea sustained the “blood alliance” with USSR and China, North Korea only focused on increasing the military power on north of the 38ty parallel.

Kim Jong Il said in regards to the treaty of friendship between South Korea and China, “38th parallel is outpost for the military power, while the [chinese] border is outpost for the ideology”. North Korea reorganized the military to reinforce the border control.

In 1992, the Department of Military Mobilization in various parts of North Korea recruited high school and middle school students, office workers and farmers to organize the border control.

In 1992, the responsibility for border control and coastal defense was delegated from National Security Agency to Border Control Command under Ministry of People’s Armed Forces. The Coast Guard was assigned under military base under Ministry of People’s Armed Forces in each district. Border Control Command was located in Ganggye, Jagang Province, but was moved to Pyongyang in 2002.
The Military Force of the Border Control

A North Korea defector Heo Yong Sun (43) who used to be a border guard says there are 4 Brigades, including Division 10 (located at Baeksa dong) in ShinEuiJoo, Brigade 32 in Chongjin, Brigade 37 in Jagang Province, Brigade 44 in Yanggang Province. Division 10 at ShinEuijoo has 14 battalions, which is qualified for division.

Mr. Heo says the border control brigades have 11 battalions on average. One brigade operates 4,000-5,000 soldiers and one battalion has 350 soldiers. There are 3 companies of 100 soldiers under battalions, and companies cover platoons and guard posts of 30 soldiers.

Mr. Lee Chul Young (34) who used to be a commander of a military district of Border Control and entered South Korea in 2004 says, “There are cavalry brigade and tank brigade under the Border Control Command, and the military force amounts to over 10~30 thousand soldiers. Companies have 250~300 soldiers and one battalion has more than 1,000 soldiers, which shows that the scale of military force is different from other People’s Armed Forces.

The smallest unit of Border Control is a platoon. One platoon is in charge of 3km, and one platoon has 12 guard posts. Guard posts have round of inspections during the day, and at nights, 2~3 soldiers are on a stakeout. They are on guard in three shifts a day.

For night time guards, 3~4 soldiers are mobilized including the commander of the platoon, and one agent from National Security Agency is included. A post for the stakeout is a half-underground cave where the soldiers can have a 120 degree view on China.

Border guards are equipped with AK Automatic Rifle-58 and 68. A commander and high level soldiers are equipped with cartridge and low level soldiers are supplied with blank cartridge. On the border, gunfire is preferably restricted, and when someone wanted by the National Security Agency intrudes the border line, gunfire is allowed.

One advisor from National Security Agency was assigned for each platoon since 1999. However, the advisors encouraged illegal border transgressions with bribery, which caused the Ministry of People’s Armed Forces to assign one advisor at each company since May 2002.

Border guards aim to “Earn Three Hundred Thousand Won” causing costs to rise for transgressions.

The biggest wish for the border guards is to make money while in the military. They are on the lookout for border transgressors rather than protecting the border from intrusion of spies. Until 1990s, the soldiers tried to “earn thirty thousand Won”, but it changed to three hundred thousand won because the currency depreciated.

Border Control Command shifts around the border guards at Pyongan, Yanggang and Hamkyung Province every two years in order to prevent frequent corruption of the soldiers. It is understood that two years is enough time for the soldiers to get down to cooperating with the locals to receive briberies.

Mr. Lee Chul Young said, “On fortunate days, it is possible to earn couple hundred thousand won. Commanders are involved in smuggling through Foreign Currency Earning Organizations, and lower officials make small money through controlling the border transgressors”.

The cost for border transgression rose after the order to control the border. In 2004, the transgressions cost 300 Yuan($40), but it rose to 500 Yuan ($65) and to 800 Yuan ($120) now.

North Korean defectors who crossed the Tumen River recently said, “You have to pay 500~1,000 Yuan for lower officials and more than 1,000 Yuan for the Commanders (Generals)”.

Transgression in the winter is the cheapest. However, around March when the ice melts on the river, the border guards have to go through the difficulty of wearing rubber pants and helping the transgressors cross the river, which costs more than 1,000 Yuan.

From the Joong Ang daily:

North Korea and China have agreed to jointly build two hydroelectric power plants on the Amnok River, also known as the Yalu River in China, on the border between the two countries, Chinese media reported yesterday. The site is where the ruins of a 2,000-year-old walled city and 2,360 “massive tombs” of Korea’s ancient Goguryeo kingdom were recently found.

According to the local newspaper Jilin Daily, North Korean delegates from the Ministry of Power and Coal Industries and China’s central government, along with Jilin provincial officials, signed the agreement at Changchun, the capital city of Jilin province, on Sunday.

North Korea and China had planned in 1995 to construct the two power plants. According to the accord, China and North Korea will each build a dam with a power plant.

China will begin construction on its dam as early as late this year, Chinese media said. The North is expected to build its dam about 16 kilometers south of the Chinese power plant.

It will be interesting to see if the DPRK takes this laying down.  After all, this sacred mountain is the birthplace of the Dear Leader.

From the Donga:

The Japanese daily Mainichi Shimbun reported on May 9 that a private airport will be completed by the end of next year in Baisan, Jilin Province, the area with access to Mt. Baekdu (Chang Bai Shan in Chinese) located between China and North Korea.

As a result, competition will become intense between China and the two Koreas to attract tourists to the mountain and boost the image of the mountain as their own territory.

China seeks to take the upper hand in the development of Mt. Baekdu tourism by constructing the airport. South Korea, for its part, is rushig to kick off Mt. Baekdu tours via North Korea.

There is a growing concern in South Korea that Mt. Baekdu, a symbol of Koreans, might be registered as cultural heritage of China because China wants to put Mt. Baekdu on the list of World Heritage sites before the 2008 Beijing Olympics.